With NOAA and FEMA under siege for hurricane season, SWFL congressmen offer little help

*Southwest Floridians look to the skies as hurricane season 2025 dawns. (Art: AI/MS Co-Pilot)*

June 3, 2025 by David Silverberg

June 4 clarification: An earlier version of this story indicated that former Florida emergency manager Bryan Koon was commenting on Florida’s hurricane preparations. He was not.

As its geographic position on the Gulf of Mexico dictates, Southwest Florida is always potentially in the bullseye for hurricanes and tropical storms.

That makes the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) and the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) the two most important federal agencies affecting the region. NOAA and its weather prediction offices, including the National Hurricane Center, tells people what’s coming and where it’s likely to happen. FEMA helps with the recovery and clean up.

But this year both agencies have been dealt heavy blows by President Donald Trump and advisor Elon Musk and his Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE).

It’s questionable whether these agencies will be able to effectively serve Southwest Florida and the rest of the nation this year or any year in the future. In particular it’s uncertain whether FEMA will even remain in existence. Both have had their funding and personnel severely slashed by DOGE.

Given the importance of these agencies to Southwest Florida, voters might obviously ask what their members of Congress have been doing to protect and ensure that the agencies have the resources to help them when the time comes.

Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.), for his part, said during a press conference at the US Coast Guard Air Station in Clearwater on Wednesday, May 28 that he would personally do “everything I can to make sure” that FEMA is fully funded.

“What’s frustrating is that part of it is funded in advance and part of it is funded afterwards. And sometimes it’s political getting it done afterwards,” he pointed out, referring to the recovery phase. Nonetheless, “I believe it will get funded. I’m going to work hard to make sure that it is.”

Florida’s other senator, Sen. Ashley Moody (R-Fla.), merely posted a hurricane checklist on X but has not otherwise weighed in on NOAA, FEMA or the 2025 storm season.

But what about the House members representing the Southwest Florida region? What have they been doing?

Steube and the 17th Congressional District

*A graphic posted by Rep. Greg Steube calling for a name change for the Washington Metro. (Illustration: Office of Rep. Greg Steube)*

On May 29, the eve of hurricane season, Rep. Greg Steube (R-17-Fla.) focused his efforts on spectacularly introducing House Resolution (HR) 3660 to re-name the Washington, DC subway system—commonly known as the Metro or Metrorail—to “the Trump Train.”

Steube’s district has no connection whatsoever to the Washington, DC Metrorail—although he himself may take it when in Washington. His district covers Sarasota and Charlotte counties and a sliver of Lee County. Its main cities are Sarasota, Venice and Punta Gorda. In the past, all have been ravaged by hurricanes.

But HR 3660 has nothing to do with hurricanes, response, resilience, the people in Steube’s district or Southwest Florida. It appears to be pure political theater, designed to please Trump.

As part of his bill, he also wants the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority (WMATA), which runs the Metro, to change its name to the Washington Metropolitan Authority for Greater Access (WMAGA).

To force WMATA to do this, he proposes withholding all federal funds until the name change is made.

“All Aboard the TRUMP TRAIN!” he posted on X. “WMATA takes $150M a year in federal funds and delivers nothing but delays, dysfunction, and decay. My bill blocks funding until WMATA is renamed WMAGA and the Metrorail becomes the TRUMP TRAIN.”

(In his initial post WMAGA stood for “Make Autorail Great Again.” However, “autorail” refers to an obsolete means of remotely controlling steam engines and also seemed confused with the Amtrak “Autotrain,” which runs between Virginia and Florida. While a reference to ancient steam-powered trains would seem to be in character with MAGA nostalgia for the past, its archaism presumably led him to change the title.)

“But this isn’t just about branding,” he argued in his X posting. “It’s about accountability. WMATA’s reputation has been wrecked after years of mismanagement, breakdowns, and public distrust. Americans have demanded that Congress cut waste and improve efficiency. This bill answers that call.”

That was not the only bill Steube introduced on May 29. He also introduced HR 3659, a bill to “direct Federal departments and agencies to verify eligibility for Federal benefits for individuals 105 years of age or older, and for other purposes.” This is based on allegations—almost entirely refuted—that Social Security and other federal programs pay benefits to ineligible or deceased recipients.

This too had no relationship to hurricane season, preparedness, NOAA or FEMA.

Steube did sponsor one piece of legislation relevant to his district and the hurricane season, the Tax Relief for Victims of Crimes, Scams, and Disasters Act (HR 3469), which he introduced on May 15. As the name states, this allows people who have been victims of scams, robberies, storms and fires in the past year a deduction on the value of their lost items, i.e., they won’t have to pay any tax on them if the bill is signed into law. This same bill was filed in the Senate by Sens. Moody, Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.) and Peter Welch (D-Vt.). Steube’s bill was cosponsored by three Democrats and four Republicans, among them Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart (R-26-Fla.).

But otherwise, Steube certainly did nothing to support NOAA, FEMA or prepare for hurricane season. Indeed, on the day hurricane season began, he posted on X: “We in Congress need to pass the DOGE cuts and codify Trump’s [executive orders] immediately. The American people are tired of empty promises. We need to be cutting trillions, not billions, so we can finally put America back on track towards a balanced budget.”

Donalds and the 19th Congressional District

*Reps. Byron Donalds and Jared Moskowitz together during a 2023 field trip. (Photo: Office of Rep. Jared Moskowitz)*

On March 24, Rep. Jared Moskowitz (D-23-Fla.), whose district covers the Miami area, introduced the FEMA Independence Act (HR 2308).

Rep. Byron Donalds (R-19-Fla.), who represents the coastal area from Cape Coral to Marco Island, joined him as Republican cosponsor of the bill, making it bipartisan.

Moskowitz, who was Florida’s director of emergency management from 2019 to 2021, argued that FEMA, which was an independent agency before the creation of DHS in 2003, should be independent again and elevated to Cabinet status.

“By removing FEMA from the Department of Homeland Security and restoring its status as an independent, Cabinet-level agency, my bipartisan bill will help cut red tape, improve government efficiency, and save lives,” Moskowitz argued in a statement.

Donalds agreed: “FEMA has become overly-bureaucratic, overly-politicized, overly-inefficient, and substantial change is needed to best serve the American people,” he stated. “When disaster strikes, quick and effective action must be the standard––not the exception. It is imperative that FEMA is removed from the bureaucratic labyrinth of DHS and instead is designated to report directly to the President of the United States. I am proud to join Congressman Moskowitz in this innovative initiative to ensure the most efficient disaster relief response for the American people.”

So far their bill has been referred to three House committees, where it awaits consideration.

Diaz-Balart and the 26th Congressional District

*Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart surveys the damage from Hurricane Dorian in the Bahamas in 2019. (Photo: Office of Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart*)

Although it is inland from both coasts, the 26th Congressional District stretches from Collier County east of Route 75 to the western suburbs of Miami. Chief towns include Immokalee, Doral and Hialeah.

Towns in the district have been hit by hurricanes in the past, most notably Hurricane Andrew in 1992. More recently they felt the effects of Hurricane Irma in 2017.

With the arrival of hurricane season, Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart issued guides for hurricane preparation on his website and social media, which are largely standard for members of Congress: they consist of links to relevant sites, lists of items for hurricane kits, exhortations to make plans and protect homes and how to respond when a storm strikes.

However, Diaz-Balart has been notably silent on NOAA and FEMA and has issued no statements or introduced any legislation this year related to hurricane preparedness or resilience.

Analysis: On our own

Both NOAA and FEMA have suffered heavy blows to their capabilities. There have been large-scale staff reductions, research grant cancellations, travel and training restrictions.

Experienced NOAA experts have lost their jobs, field offices are understaffed and much data gathering has been curtailed, for example reducing the number of weather balloon launched to collect atmospheric data. This has reduced the information going into weather models like the kinds that predict hurricane cones.

Still, the National Hurricane Center in Miami says it has been spared personnel cuts and the heads of the NOAA, the National Weather Service and the National Hurricane Center all assured a reporter from the Associated Press that the agencies are ready for the season.

FEMA, though, has taken the brunt of the beating. It has lost around 2,000 personnel to DOGE cuts. Its continued existence is being called into question by Trump, who leveled false accusations and lies against it during the 2024 presidential campaign.

Trump’s contempt for the agency is reflected in the new director, David Richardson, a Marine Corps veteran with no emergency management experience, who upon taking office immediately bullied and threatened the staff, warning, “I will run right over you” if they got in his way—but who then also revealed that he was unaware there is a hurricane season.

From its founding during the administration of President Jimmy Carter in 1979, FEMA has had severe ups and downs. Its administrator under President Ronald Reagan was a pistol-packing former US Army colonel named Louis “Jeff” Guiffrida, who ran FEMA much the way Richardson appears intent on running it today. Guiffrida focused mainly on civil defense and what is known as “continuity of government” in the event of a disaster—and the disaster he chiefly had in mind was a nuclear war with the Soviet Union rather than hurricanes, tornadoes or wildfires affecting everyday citizens.

Guiffrida was forced out of the agency in 1985 after a congressional investigation alleged he had misused and mismanaged government funds. After he left FEMA he became a security consultant to perennial presidential candidate and extreme conspiracy theorist, Lyndon LaRouche, which gives some indication of his political leanings.

After a long and painful debate, FEMA became part of DHS in 2003, a move vehemently opposed by John Lee Witt, who had capably served as President Bill Clinton’s FEMA director from 1993 to 2001. However, the argument that FEMA could call on all the resources of the newly created DHS, including such agencies as the US Coast Guard, overrode the skepticism.

FEMA had further ups and downs, failing most spectacularly under director Michael Brown who was blamed for his inability to handle the ravages of Hurricane Katrina in 2005.

FEMA’s rebuilding after Katrina was largely due to the work of some notable Floridians who learned lessons from their disaster-prone state. R. David Paulison was the Miami fire chief who took over immediately after Katrina and restored competence and confidence to the agency. He was followed in 2009 by W. Craig Fugate, Florida’s emergency manager and widely regarded as the best professional in the business.

Since then FEMA largely functioned well and responsively—until now. Even if it is split off as a separate Cabinet-level agency as Moskowitz and Donalds propose, that would not necessarily boost its effectiveness given Trump’s disdain and contempt for it and his reflected attitudes in the rest of the regime. What is worse is that Trump appears inclined to use disaster aid as a political weapon and loyalty reward rather than equitably providing assistance to afflicted Americans after a disaster. Any director he appoints will no doubt go along with that program.

The omens for the 2025 hurricane season appear inauspicious given the loss of NOAA predictive capabilities and the extreme disruption and uncertainty afflicting FEMA.

Bryan Koon, a former director of Florida’s emergency management division and a long-time corporate emergency management director, is wary: “Given the reduction in staffing, being unable to do trainings, participate in conferences, there’s potential that the federal government’s ability is diminished,” he observed.

Kevin Guthrie, Florida’s current director of the Division of Emergency Management tried to reassure Floridians that the state can handle any contingencies during a May 30 press conference in Fort Lauderdale. He and Gov. Ron DeSantis are pushing the federal government to make more of its aid available in block grants that states can use at their discretion.

“We are already having these conversations about if the federal government allows us to run an individual assistance program, we’re ready to get that done,” he said. “We believe we can do it just as fast, if not faster than the federal government.”

This hurricane season will put Guthrie’s thesis to the test and demonstrate whether Florida can handle its disasters alone as its officials say it can.

Given Southwest Florida’s vulnerability, it would be comforting if its representatives in Congress joined the effort to protect and fund NOAA and FEMA and looked out for their constituents, who are sitting in the hurricane crosshairs. Instead, judging by their votes for the “Big Beautiful Bill,” they’re committed to slashing budgets and completing the destruction that Elon Musk began, as Steube has stated outright.

Floridians, especially in the Southwest, know the drill when it comes to hurricanes. Have your food, water and batteries ready. Make a plan. Photograph your home’s contents. Experts say that you should be able to survive and hopefully thrive for at least three days, but ideally for seven.

It’s wise advice, especially this year. There’s no telling if anyone will be coming to the rescue when the clouds clear. The folks in charge want you to be on your own—and you are.

Be ready in every way. It’s going to be a very long, dangerous and uncertain hurricane season.

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WARNING! Florida immigration enforcement plan raises ethical questions, ties to border ‘czar,’ and for-profit prison corporations

*Workers on a Tallahassee construction site are rounded up by ICE and law enforcement officers for screening and detention on Thursday, May 29. (Photo: ICE)*

May 30, 2025 by David Silverberg

A state proposal for widespread, unregulated roundups of foreign-origin aliens may improperly favor a private, for-profit Florida-based security firm with financial ties to Tom Homan, the Trump regime’s “border czar” (more formally, White House Executive Associate Director of Enforcement and Removal Operations).

The proposals are contained in Florida’s Immigration Enforcement Operations Plan (henceforth referred to as “the Plan”), which was unveiled by Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) on May 12. (The full Plan, with some redaction, is available for viewing and download at the end of this article.)

The “Preliminary Potential Actions” section of the 37-page Plan suggests the most radical actions the state could take.

“In support of President Trump’s fight against the ‘deep state’ within federal agencies, the State of Florida with a waiver of certain federal regulations could circumvent federal agency bureaucracy,” states the Plan, which then goes on to list possible actions.

The Plan aims to deal with the challenges caused by a swift, massive roundup of people of foreign origin suspected of having criminal records, lacking documentation, or having lost temporary protected status to stay in the United States.

Among the actions proposed is waiving “federal detention facility requirements” so that detainees picked up in a massive sweep of Florida migrants, immigrants and foreigners can be housed in non-standard shelters like tents. Currently, federal detainees are held in facilities that meet National Detention Standards (NDS).

The Plan argues that NDS limits the number of facilities where detainees can be held and in Florida some state and county facilities don’t meet NDS standards.

“Waiving select requirements would significantly increase the State’s capacity to detain individuals,” states the Plan. If the standards are suspended, the state would be allowed to hold more people more rapidly and “pave the way to set up soft-side detention as needed and desirable”—i.e., house them in tents.

If the state cannot build out this holding capacity on its own, the Plan envisions turning to private companies to provide additional space. As the Plan puts it, the state could “Utilize existing logistics vendors to establish additional detention space. If the State chooses to forgo the federal detention sites as well as the federal detention standards, logistics vendors are prepared to rapidly deploy detention facilities statewide.”

The ‘vendors’

Florida is currently home to seven privately-run, for-profit prisons, the most of any state.

Three are run by the The GEO Group LLC, headquartered in Boca Raton, Fla. These are the Blackwater River Correctional Facility in Milton, the Moore Haven Correctional Facility in Moore Haven, and the South Bay Correctional Facility in South Bay.

On Tuesday, May 27, The Washington Post reported that Homan had earned consulting fees from The GEO Group in the article, “Trump’s border czar earned consulting fees from immigrant detention firm.”

“Before he joined the administration, border czar Tom Homan earned an undisclosed amount in fees consulting for a division of the Geo Group, one of two companies that operates the vast majority of the nation’s immigrant detention facilities, according to the disclosure, which was released last week,” stated the article, written by reporter Douglas MacMillan and researcher Aaron Schaffer.

It continued: “The filing, which has not been previously reported, did not specify what work Homan performed. The document said Geo paid him more than $5,000 during the two years preceding his government appointment in January. Ethics rules do not require any more specific disclosure, and the amount Homan received could be far higher.”

In response to Washington Post questions, Abigail Jackson, a White House spokesperson, told the Post that Homan adhered to “the highest ethical standards” and on taking office had agreed to recuse himself “from any involvement, discussion, input, or decision of any future government contracts that may be awarded.”

(Florida’s other private prisons are the Lake City Correctional Facility in Lake City, run by the Corrections Corporation of America (CoreCivic), based in Brentwood, Tenn. The Management & Training Corporation (MTC), headquartered in Centerville, Utah, runs the other three, which are the Bay Correctional Facility, in Panama City, the Gadsden Correctional Facility in Quincy, and the Graceville Correctional Facility, in Graceville.)

Picking up the pace

The pace of detention, removal and deportation operations is picking up, as confirmed by a statement from the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) directorate of the Department of Homeland Security on May 29.

At the time ICE announced replacement of two of its top officials in order to “support its increasing operational tempo.”

This could be interpreted to mean that the two officials replaced, Kenneth Genalo, who headed Enforcement and Removal Operations, and Robert Hammer, the head of ICE’s Homeland Security Investigations office, were not rounding up enough people fast enough for the administration’s liking.

Confirming the administration’s intentions were Stephen Miller, White House deputy chief of staff and homeland security advisor, and Homan himself.

Miller, in an interview with Sean Hannity on Fox News, said that “Under President Trump’s leadership, we are looking to set a goal of a minimum of 3,000 arrests for ICE every day.”

Homan confirmed this in several media appearances. “We’ve got to increase these arrests and removals,” he said on Fox’s “America’s Newsroom.”

“The numbers are good, but I’m not satisfied. I haven’t been satisfied all year long,” he said, repeating his displeasure in an appearance on the CBS News show, “The Takeout.”

While 3,000 a day was “attainable” he told CBS, “it’s not good enough.”

The same day the crackdown came to Tallahassee, Fla., when ICE and other law enforcement officers raided a construction site and arrested over 100 workers. According to ICE, some of the detainees had been previously deported or had criminal backgrounds.

Analysis: The Plan and implications

A “tent city” in Maricopa County, Arizona for migrant detainees set up by Sheriff Joe Arpaio in the 1990s. These were dismantled in 2017. Under the Florida Immigration Enforcement Operations Plan, similar camps could be set up in Florida. (Photo: AP/Charlie Reidel)

In Florida, the dry, bureaucratic language of the Plan belies the full magnitude of what it is proposing: a mass roundup of people, based purely on arbitrary quotas, who will then be housed in whatever kind of temporary shelters can be hastily thrown together.

Given the number of detainees envisioned, they would likely be held in holding camps that would be vulnerable to extreme heat, the ravages of hurricanes and other outdoor threats.

As pointed out in an earlier posting, this would be done by the state of Florida outside the constitutionally regulated federal system for immigration enforcement, due process and humane treatment.

Financially, it would all be done at the expense of Florida taxpayers, at a time when the state is seeking savings and is likely to face hurricanes and natural disasters with much diminished federal support.

The beneficiaries of this Plan are privately-held, for-profit incarceration and detention companies, one of which has employed the man overseeing the entire national effort for enforcement, removal and deportation.

The potential for massive corruption, insider dealing and personal enrichment at the cost of human suffering and constitutional illegality should be obvious.

Beyond the corruption aspects, the Florida Plan appears to be proposing crimes against humanity.

Among these crimes, as defined by the internationally recognized Rome Statute, are: deportation or forcible transfer of populations; persecution of “identifiable group or collectivity on political, racial, national, ethnic, cultural, religious, gender” grounds; and enforced disappearance of persons.

Commentary: Time to act

It needs to be emphasized that, as far as can be publicly discerned, the Plan’s most extreme proposals are exactly that—“preliminary proposals,” so there is still time to stop them before they do any damage.

It’s unclear at this point when the Plan’s proposals would go into effect.

The Florida legislature is expected to reconvene on June 2 to work on a state budget for the next fiscal year.

If the state Plan is to be implemented, money for implementation will need to be included in the budget.

While hearings and committee work occurred in the legislature’s first session, it is not too late for the appropriate bodies to examine this Plan in detail, hold hearings, call witnesses and weigh its full implications.

One would hope that a full examination would lead the legislature to stop any further progress.

The Plan was covered by the media when it was revealed but without a full appreciation and understanding of the magnitude of the “Preliminary Potential Actions.” Given their implications, Florida-based media of all kinds should take a deep dive into these proposals and the Plan in general.

To repeat: This Plan is proposing illegal, unconstitutional and inhumane actions by the state of Florida. It could lead the state to commit crimes against humanity. It will make Florida a pariah state in a country that’s already on a course to isolation and rejection by the rest of the world. It will cause suffering throughout the population, whether documented or not, and it has the potential to penalize the innocent.

If the human and legal arguments are insufficiently moving, its financial implications should give any honest, thinking person pause. It will be extremely costly for the state. It has immense potential for graft, corruption and improper personal enrichment. Economically, it will devastate the workforce, severely impact key industries and drive consumer prices higher.

From a historical perspective it will put Florida on the side of the great crimes and tragedies of history.

In short, it will be an injustice and a stain on the state and nation. By any human and thoughtful standard, it is vastly criminal and just plain wrong.

However, there is still time to prevent it from happening. The “Preliminary Potential Actions” in the Immigration Enforcement Operations Plan are exactly that: “preliminary” and “potential.” They should be publicly and emphatically rejected by the state of Florida, all Floridians and all patriotic Americans.

The world is watching and history will judge.

Click below to view and download the 37-page PDF Florida Immigration Enforcement Operations Plan with redactions.

Florida Immigration Enforcement Operations Plan 5-12-25 Download

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WARNING: Drastic Florida deportation roundup plan envisions ‘circumventing’ humane treatment, federal restraints

Could this be Florida’s future? Deportees from the United States are processed at El Salvador’s CECOT (Centro de Confinamiento del Terrorismo) prison in March 2025. (Photo: Office of the President of El Salvador)

May 20, 2025 by David Silverberg

Florida’s “Immigration Enforcement Operations Plan” unveiled by Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) on May 12 envisions actions that “circumvent” federal regulations and restrictions, including standards and procedures ensuring humane treatment of detainees—and its first use may be against Venezuelans who lost their temporary protected status yesterday, May 19.

The 37-page Plan lays out creation of a state immigration enforcement and detention system separate from the federal one in “support of President Trump’s fight against the ‘deep state’ within federal agencies.”

The “Preliminary Potential Actions” section suggests the most radical actions the state could take. The majority of the Plan is concerned with authorities and areas of responsibility by various state and federal agencies.

Venezuelans who lost their legal status in the United States could be the first aliens to be subject to the Florida plan.

Yesterday the US Supreme Court ruled that President Donald Trump had the authority to revoke the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) of Venezuelans in the United States. TPS allowed Venezuelans fleeing the dictatorial regime of President Nicolas Maduro to legally live and work in the United States for a specified period of time. They are now subject to detention and deportation.

An estimated 900,000 Venezuelans are living in the United States. Of these, an estimated 500,000 are covered by TPS, which was issued twice, in 2021 and 2023. Approximately 350,000, who were granted TPS in the second issuance, are subject to deportation and of these, an estimated 225,000 live in Florida.

If Florida decides to implement its Plan, this population could be the first target, subject to mass roundups and deportations by a state whose officers feel themselves unbound by standards of law, humane treatment or due process.

Key state proposals

Under existing law the federal government and its officers have sole authority for all matters of immigration, naturalization and border security. This is administered through the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and its enforcement and removal arm, the directorate of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

Under the Florida Plan’s recommendations, local police trained under the 287(g) program would become “fully empowered immigration officers,” which the Plan states “would enable the State to bypass the operational bottleneck caused by the limited availability of ICE personnel.”

The 287(g) program trains local police to cooperate and support federal immigration personnel and efforts, but does not supplant them. Under this proposal, state officials, police and local law enforcement officers would be enabled to act with the same powers as federal immigration officers, detaining and ultimately possibly deporting detainees.

To oversee the anti-immigrant effort, the Plan would “Create a command structure led by the state that empowers coordinating officers to act without prior federal authorization.”

In other words, Florida would act independently of the federal government, establishing its own immigration command. It would act independently, taking on a role that was and has been confirmed as federal under the Constitution.

Why would it do this? As the Plan states: “Due to the limitations of the current Federal Executive Order, there has been a lack of leadership coming from the federal government that could be supplemented if the state of Florida were to assume operational control and enabling timely decision-making.”

The Plan proposes waiving “federal detention facility requirements” in order to “expand housing capacity for arrested individuals.”

“One of the stumbling blocks that we perceive exists in the detention section of the overall removal cycle. At present, the Federal government does not possess adequate bedspace capacity for its ambitious, and long overdue, enforcement strategy. While this can be mitigated by better, quicker through-put in physical repatriation—an important factor—it still poses a choke-point to be addressed.”

It continues: “At its current state, ICE is overwhelmed with the number of detainees that have been arrested prior to the state assisting with the process. With the state’s assistance, this number will grow by multitudes, which will likely become unsustainable if ICE were to remain operating at its current state. Many of the individuals arrested by state and local law enforcement will be forced to be released due to the lack of space in ICE detention facilities.”

Under current law and procedure the federal government has standards for housing inmates and detainees to ensure humane, sanitary, and proper treatment and housing. The Plan proposes waiving those requirements to allow holding of inmates under non-standard conditions, presumably substandard ones.

The federal standards are contained in the National Detention Standards (NDS). These are the standards used by ICE. It is against these standards that local jails are judged when it comes to housing federal detainees.

However, the Plan considers NDS too restrictive for what it has in mind.

“The standards are so limiting that many county jails cannot meet the standard even though they are otherwise accredited by the American Correctional Association,” complains the Plan. It finds it “anomalous” that local jails holding American citizens are considered unfit to hold detained aliens.

“This self-limiting proposition works against achieving the President’s goals,” argues the Plan, which also complains that it drives up costs and makes “transportation and logistics more complex and cumbersome.”

To correct this, the Plan suggests that the Department of Homeland Security suspend the standards for the duration of the presidential state of emergency. (Trump declared an emergency on the US southern border on Jan. 20, 2025, the first day he took office.)

As an afterthought, the Plan adds that despite the suspension detainees will still be treated humanely and facilities will try to maintain humane standards.

All of this would be done to rapidly increase capacity. “Waiving select requirements would significantly increase the State’s capacity to detain individuals,” it states. If the standards are suspended, the state would be allowed to hold more people more rapidly under substandard conditions and “pave the way to set up soft-side detention as needed and desirable”—i.e., house them in tents.

If the state cannot build out this holding capacity on its own, it envisions turning to private companies to provide additional space. As the Plan puts it the state could “Utilize existing logistics vendors to establish additional detention space. If the State chooses to forgo the federal detention sites as well as the federal detention standards, logistics vendors are prepared to rapidly deploy detention facilities statewide.”

All of this is intended to hold massive numbers of people swept up in deportation raids, both state and federal.

The only obstacle to implementing the effort envisioned by the Plan is the fact that it may not be reimbursed for the expense by the federal government.

“The federal government has shown itself to be very hesitant to commit to any form of reimbursement to past or future immigration operations,” it complains. “There may come a time when, without federal assistance, a long-term immigration support mission may become fiscally untenable.”

Analysis and commentary: Bad ideas

Make no mistake: This is a plan for a mass roundup of people, using dubious justification, to be housed in questionable circumstances prior to deportation, which may be done by the state of Florida on its own authority. It would “circumvent” or supplant federal authorities, rules and regulations.

With these recommendations the State of Florida is proposing a completely separate state anti-migrant system and command structure without federal oversight, input or approval. Its operations would be conducted by local law enforcement officers who would have the powers of federal immigration officials but without the training, legitimate authority or legal background. Detainees would be housed in facilities and tents unregulated by federal standards of humane treatment including those of nourishment, healthcare and shelter, all of which it views as “bottlenecks” and “chokepoints.”

This would all be done at Florida taxpayers’ expense without any assurance of federal reimbursement or funding. Aside from its legal and humanitarian aspects, it would add an enormous expense to the state budget.

It would also be a gold rush for private for-profit detention companies, which could pursue lucrative, barely monitored contracts no doubt issued with little to no competitive bidding. The potential for graft, corruption and profiteering is enormous.

All this would be done in great haste, “circumventing” all proper procedures for due process, adjudication, regulated law enforcement or oversight.

Why the urgency? Partially because of a flawed, deeply questionable national “emergency,” partially in opposition to a delusional “deep state,” and purely out of what appears to be hatred, prejudice and rage against an alien population, whether legally resident or not. Trump and DHS Secretary Kristi Noem have cited the presence of a Venezuelan gang, Tren de Aragua, to justify their targeting of Venezuelans.

But Tren de Aragua is tiny group whose presence is being exaggerated to stereotype an entire population. In a press conference on Monday, May 19, Adelys Ferro, executive director of the Venezuelan American Caucus, a non-profit advocacy organization, stated that Tren de Aragua members constituted “just 0.04 percent of our community.”

The Supreme Court decision allowing the Trump regime to revoke TPS for Venezuelans immediately establishes a vulnerable population to be preyed upon by the mechanism envisioned by the Plan.

This is especially relevant to Florida given its large Venezuelan population.

“As a lawyer and as the vice mayor of this city, I will continue to advocate and fight so that our community has access to the resources and information necessary to continue to fight and continue to prepare for what may come from all of this,” said Doral Vice Mayor Maureen Porras (R). Doral, Fla., is home to a Venezuelan population estimated at around 34,000, the largest in the United States.

She also warned, “Currently Venezuela is not in a position to receive its Venezuelans in a safe manner.” (Porras was first profiled by The Paradise Progressive when she ran for state representative in 2020.)

As of this writing, Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart (R-26-Fla.), whose district includes Doral, had not issued any statements regarding the loss of TPS on any of his social media accounts, although he has been extremely active in the past in denouncing the Maduro regime.

Right now the most radical elements of the Plan are recommendations only. They can still be stopped by the legislature when it passes its budget for the next fiscal year. People can protest against them, with a reasonable chance of defeating them.

They are evil ideas proposed at an evil time for evil reasons. They’re a form of darkness that should never see the light of day in the Sunshine State.

Florida Immigration Operations Enforcement Plan 5-12-25 Download

Click above to download the 37-page PDF Florida Immigration Enforcement Operations Plan with redactions.

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The Donalds Dossier: Revelations from a tumultuous town hall meeting

*Rep. Byron Donalds responds to a question at his town hall meeting in Estero on Monday. (Photo: Author)*

April 24, 2025 by David Silverberg

The town hall meeting of Rep. Byron Donalds (R-19-Fla.) held at Estero High School is now in the history books.

This was a lot different from his previous town halls. Not only did it generate a lively turnout, it attracted major media, including CNN, and it was covered extensively by local media, which often give scant coverage to politics. It was raucous and rambunctious and that’s where most of the coverage focused.

But it was a political event a cut above the run of the mill in Southwest Florida and given that Donalds is a declared candidate for governor it provided some indicators of the kind of governor he would be.

So what were the broader implications of the meeting, what deeper lessons can be derived from it, and what did it reveal about the politician, the political dynamic in the district, the state and the nation?

Reading the room

*A view of the audience just prior to the start of the meeting. (Photo: Author)*

After initial indications that the meeting would be highly restricted, when the event occurred it appeared that virtually anyone who wanted to get in could do so. Even with that, the hall was not filled. This author estimates the crowd at 300 to 400.

An indication of the strength of Donalds’ supporters came early when he came out on stage and they gave him a standing ovation. From this author’s vantage, those standing appeared to constitute a quarter of the audience at most.

Questions were written out on cards and the questioners in the audience were named and acknowledged when the questions were asked. This author counted 18 questions being formally asked during the session. Other questions were shouted from the audience, which Donalds occasionally answered as well. Most questions received lengthy answers.

Other than welcoming the audience and thanking the people who arranged the meeting, Donalds did not make any opening statement other than to say he was not going to get into politics (in the sense of purely partisan discussion) and he was not going to address his gubernatorial bid. Instead he opted to go right to the first question. That question, his answer and the audience’s response set the tone and was a precursor of the direction the rest of the meeting would take.

The question was: “As a member of the Oversight Committee, what oversights are you imposing on Elon Musk and DOGE [Department of Government Efficiency]?”

The question brought prolonged, vigorous applause and cheers. “You like that question,” Donalds joked. He answered that Musk was a special White House employee, similar to others that had been appointed by previous administrations. He specifically mentioned President Barack Obama’s appointment of former senator John Kerry as “climate czar” in his administration to deal with climate change issues.

Because DOGE was not run with congressionally appropriated funds, Donalds said, it was outside the House Oversight Committee’s purview.

“What DOGE is doing right now is they’re going through every agency and they’re examining any contracts or any inefficiencies in spending federal dollars,” he said but was interrupted by shouts and expressions of disagreement, with people pointing out DOGE’s mass layoffs and disruption of government operations.

Donalds’ answer and the response began an uproar that never really died down and Donalds never regained full control of the proceedings.

Nonetheless, he compared DOGE’s actions to those taken by President Barack Obama to increase government efficiency. This kicked the uproar into a higher gear and intensity. “You cannot deny that President Obama famously said that he wanted to examine efficiency or lack thereof in the government. Elon Musk is doing the exact same thing,” which elicited even louder expressions of outrage.

“The Oversight Committee is doing the responsible thing, we are letting DOGE complete its work,” he said. “Most of the budget cuts that DOGE will present have to go through the appropriations process. It goes through the Appropriations Committee and most of the judgments of federal spending will occur there and then get an up or down vote in the Appropriations Committee first and then on the floor of the House” before moving to final approval. “That is the process.”

As he was saying this the calls and shouts from the crowd were mounting in volume, complaining that he wasn’t addressing the broader issues created by Musk and DOGE.

But Donalds continued his defense. “Now, it is actually clear that from the President, who is the unitary executive under our system of government…he wants [Musk] to work in the federal government. So, I find it interesting that people who are upset about Elon right now, were not upset, as I brought up earlier, when John Kerry was going around” doing work for the Obama administration as a special employee.

After trying to calm the crowd, Donalds continued. “Here is the last thing. There is a report that comes out every single year. This is the GAO [Government Accountability Office] report. The GAO report, every single year, says the government wastes more than 250 billion dollars a year. 250 billion!” which also elicited shouts of dismissal. “Over the last 20 years the federal government has wasted 3 trillion dollars. (More about GAO and its report below.)

“I believe that it is in the interests of the people of Southwest Florida and of the United States to examine all inefficiencies in the federal government,” which elicited prolonged applause from his supporters. “If there are concerns [it is] that Elon Musk and his team are going through agencies and cancelling contracts that are inefficient”—which brought an outburst of disagreement from the rest of the crowd.

“When appropriations language is ready, under federal law today, Congress has given discretion to the secretaries of the various Cabinet agencies. So what the DOGE is actually doing is that they are working with Cabinet-level secretaries, who have all been confirmed by the United States Senate, to bring their findings to that secretary and then that secretary is the one who is making the decision because the authority has been given to the Cabinet secretary by Congress. You may not like it but that’s the way the law is written.”

After some of the shouting died down from that, he continued: “As a member of Congress, I actually believe that Congress should not give discretion to the federal agencies, no matter who’s president and Congress should actually prescribe how money is spent in the federal government but the Congress has been derelict in its duty and allowed money to go through the federal branch, the executive branch, and they have given full discretion to the executive branch, which goes around Congress and goes around these issues in the United States of America.”

He continued: “This is where there’s a little bit—a little bit—of public perception. If you examine broad-based polling on government efficiencies, it is popular with the American people.”

Then, he asked a question of his own: “For those in the room upset about DOGE; are you going to be upset when DOGE gets to the Department of Defense?” There was a resounding affirmative response. Then he repeated the question and the response rose higher. “Every recommendation that DOGE makes, is approved by the Cabinet-level secretary and confirmed by the United States Senate.”

Then he stated, “At the Oversight Committee we have to actually observe DOGE do its work first and we’re in the process of doing this, number one. Number two, for true accountability if we truly believe it’s necessary true accountability for DOGE will be found in the appropriations process. At that point, any recommendations that DOGE has made, the Cabinet-level secretary will be reflected in budgetary requests and it will get an up or down vote through the appropriations process.”

Answering that question took approximately 7 minutes.

Analysis: Call and response

*Elon Musk wields a chain saw at a meeting of the Conservative Political Action Committee on Feb. 20, 2025 (Photo: Gage Skidmore/Creative Commons)*

The entire event took about 90 minutes. It is beyond the scope of this essay to recount every question and answer. (The full meeting can be seen in a 1-hour, 30-minute video on YouTube posted by Forbes magazine. Fair warning: the audio is poor and ads precede the video. Donalds also posted a full video on his Facebook page, also with poor sound.)

All the media coverage of the meeting has focused on its raucousness and the anger of the audience. A major question, though, is: why was it so raucous and why were constituents so angry?

It was not because there was any kind of advance planning or “astroturfing” (paid disruptors) to cause chaos. Rather, as was clear from the very first question and answer there was a yawning reality gulf between Donalds and his audience.

Each appeared to exist in a separate universe and there was little to no connection between them. Donalds’ answers, which uniformly defended President Donald Trump, Elon Musk and the regime, also presented a picture that, while presented as factual, was completely at odds with the reality understood and experienced by constituents.

As shown in the first answer, Donalds was putting DOGE in the context of the congressional appropriations process and addressing it as a regular budgetary process. But the audience, like the rest of the American public, is experiencing DOGE as a furious, unchecked, personally-directed purge of the federal government, with massive layoffs, severe cuts to services, disruption of orderly processes, threats to mandated benefits and intrusion into personal information.

Donalds would not acknowledge or address these concerns among his constituents. Instead, he blindly recited the Trumpist catechism and defended the regime’s actions. He did not provide even a hint of sympathy or understanding for constituent concerns. His approach was that if he explained it, or in the phrase he repeatedly used, “if we’re intellectually honest,” it would be sufficient.

He also repeated assertions that were wildly at variance with what the rest of the audience understood to be the truth, prompting amazement and outrage.

(At this point it seems appropriate to address some of the inaccuracies and misconceptions in Donalds’ first answer.

For example, there is no equivalency between previous special presidential employees and Elon Musk. John Kerry was Special Presidential Envoy for Climate of the United States from 2021 to 2024. He represented the United States in climate forums and made recommendations to other government agencies to accommodate climate issues. He did this as a highly qualified former US senator and secretary of state. There were no instant layoffs, agency closings or data intrusions at his command. Elon Musk is a private citizen and profit-driven entrepreneur with no prior government background who has physically wielded a chainsaw to demonstrate his approach to government operations.

The GAO report referenced by Donalds is the annual report on federal programs with fragmented, overlapping, or duplicative goals or actions. As part of its mandate GAO annually suggests hundreds of ways to address problems, reduce costs and boost revenue. It makes suggestions, often of a very technical or financial nature, for achieving those ends. In the 2024 report it made 112 suggestions, recommending for example that “Congress and the Internal Revenue Service should take action to improve sole proprietor tax compliance, which could increase revenue by hundreds of millions of dollars per year,” or saving money by “using predictive models to make investment decisions on deferred maintenance and repair for federal buildings and structures.” It has never recommended—much less imposed—abruptly closing down entire agencies or making mass layoffs. Even so it estimates that its recommendations have saved the US government $667 billion over the past 13 years.

Also, if DOGE and Musk were really just making recommendations to be worked through the appropriations process, all the closings and layoffs would be submitted as recommendations to Congress for consideration during the normal 2025 appropriations process. They would not be implemented until the 2026 fiscal year. They would be examined, debated and then approved by Congress, and conducted in an orderly fashion, not suddenly imposed by executive fiat and lockouts.)

Other assertions that Donalds made during the meeting were:

That the answer to gun violence lies in mental health care rather than any kind of gun restrictions or red flag laws, which he opposes. “It always goes back to the mental health of the shooter,” he said.
That DOGE/Musk access to Social Security information is equivalent to the access allowed to 53 students under President Joe Biden’s administration. (Donalds didn’t elaborate on the source of this information and it is nowhere else on the Internet that this author could discern. It’s not clear whether these alleged 53 students were interns at the Social Security Administration, when, why or where this happened or what they accessed.) As Donalds put it: “It is not intellectually honest to be upset with Elon Musk and not with the 53 students.”
That DOGE/Musk are examining Social Security files to find waste, fraud and abuse and have found 300 alleged recipients over the age of 100. (This claim was debunked by Leland Dudek, the acting commissioner, who said in February that the raw numbers did not reflect actual benefits being paid and that only 89,106 people older than 100 years were listed on Social Security rolls as of December 2024. “The reported data are people in our records with a Social Security number who do not have a date of death associated with their record. These individuals are not necessarily receiving benefits.”)
That the Consumer Finance Protection Bureau (CFPB) is unconstitutional and uncontrolled by Congress. “I want to get rid of the CFPB, it is a rogue agency” and “a terrible agency,” he said.
That Trump’s tariffs are “re-setting the balance of global trade.”
That nuclear power should be the future source of energy in Florida rather than solar power, which Donalds said does not produce sufficient energy. Also, he said discarding and recycling solar equipment is ultimately dirtier and more polluting than nuclear power.
That 60 percent of phone calls to the Social Security Administration for assistance are fraudulent.
That the problem with diversity, equity and intrusion (DEI) lies in the equity portion, since life is inherently inequitable and that DEI programs and practices do not level the playing field. “Equity is an impossible standard to achieve,” he said. The only time Donalds became angry and emotional was when he was giving this answer, which he took personally.
That the US Agency for International Development (US AID) was pursuing programs that were not in the American interest and were even treasonous.
That the No Rogue Rulings Act (House Resolution (HR) 1526), which would restrict the ability of federal district judges to issue national injunctions, and passed by the US House on April 10 with Donalds’ vote, would not pass the Senate.
That illegal aliens have more rights and due process entitlements than American citizens. He charged that President Joe Biden abused the asylum process. Donalds said that he supports illegal alien deportations.
That parents and “community members” have a right to inspect school instructional materials, because they make up the bulk of the taxpaying base but that school boards have final say.
That President Donald Trump has pledged not to touch Social Security and it will not be subject to congressional budget reconciliation but that if it becomes insolvent there will be an automatic cut, so it must be reformed.
That he missed votes in Congress because he was campaigning for Trump.
That he does not vote party when in Congress but “I vote the Constitution.”
That Defense Secretary Peter Hegseth did not violate the Espionage Act when he shared classified operational intelligence in Signal chats.

The most dramatic moment in the meeting occurred when a question was asked whether Israel’s cutoff of water and food to the Palestinians of Gaza was a war crime, along with the deaths of 35,000 Gazans.

Donalds answered that the 35,000 casualty figure was from Hamas, that Israel had been careful in its strikes on Gaza, that Hamas was using both Israeli hostages and civilian Gazans as human shields and Israeli forces had warned them before striking.

He said that the United States would have reacted similarly if Mexican drug cartels had taken American hostages in the United States. “On October 7, it was not an Israeli incursion into Gaza, it was Hamas that incurred into Israel,” he said. “We should stand behind Israel 100 percent and make sure the hostages come home. My stance is to stand by our ally.”

This answer prompted an audience member to stand up and loudly protest on behalf of the Palestinians. She continued to do so until a security officer approached her to remove her and she left of her own volition.

*An audience member protests on behalf of Palestinians. (Photo: Author)*

Analysis: Omens and portents

First, credit must be given where credit is due: Byron Donalds did not have to hold this town hall meeting at all.

It was a risky idea from the start and no doubt there were voices in his camp arguing against it. He could have easily let it slide and been none the worse for wear. In fact, the head of the Republican Congressional Campaign Committee has recommended that all Republican members of Congress avoid town hall meetings and Donalds could have followed his guidance.

He could have made the meeting a gubernatorial campaign rally but he did not. Nor did the questions seem to be filtered to avoid challenges or controversy.

Beyond subjecting himself to angry constituents, Donalds risked damaging his gubernatorial campaign. Whether the meeting proves detrimental or provides useful publicity remains to be seen but it certainly gave him some local and national headlines.

Contrary to some of those headlines the meeting was not “chaotic” or “in chaos.” Chaos is when punches are thrown, the benches empty and the police charge in with tear gas and tasers. This was certainly rancorous and at times disorderly but it was hardly chaotic. Most people stayed in their seats except when they got up and left, which a significant contingent did early.

But, as stated earlier, what was really in evidence was the vast gulf in the realities between constituents and their congressman.

It was obvious that much of the audience reaction was driven by fear, outrage and worry. The repeated questions about Social Security and DOGE showed key points of concern.

That fear is also fueled by the man in the White House and the tone of hatred, prejudice and rage he exudes to the nation. The day before, those attitudes were on full display in an Easter greeting on the X platform.

*President Donald Trump’s Easter greeting on X.*

It was no wonder that constituents were fearful, angry and loud in their turn.

A more skillful or empathetic politician would have acknowledged the concerns and explained what he or she was doing to allay them or seek solutions. A more accomplished congressman might have told the audience what he or she was doing on their behalf.

But that was not the approach Donalds took. He was there to recite the Trumpist creed, not connect with the audience. For every question about the activities of Trump, Musk or DOGE he responded with Trumpist talking points and standard Make America Great Again fodder that was often at odds with the audience’s general perception of reality. Several times when challenged about Trump or Musk actions Donalds took refuge in a “whataboutism” response: what about John Kerry? What about the alleged 53 students?

In fact, Donalds’ true constituents appeared to be Donald Trump and Elon Musk. They, at least, will likely be pleased with the meeting results.

Donalds did not reveal himself to be a deep or original thinker in this regard.

After the meeting Donalds was interviewed by the media.

“How do you feel about being a congressman tonight?” asked WINK TV reporter Claire Galt.

“Great. Look, this is part of the reason I signed up for the job a couple of years ago. I do think it’s important to bring information to the electorate,” he replied.

“Did it surprise you?”

“No. I don’t get surprised by much anymore,” he smiled. “You know, you just kind of deal with it as it comes. I could tell from the first question or two what kind of night it was going to be. But that’s alright, it’s part of the business.”

It was a mature and professional answer. It’s also one Donalds should get accustomed to giving—because as long as he remains a faithful Trumpist as he pursues the governorship there are going to be many more nights like the one in Estero.

*Rep. Byron Donalds interviewed after his town hall meeting. (Image: WINK TV)*

To see all The Paradise Progressive’s past coverage of Rep. Byron Donalds, click here.

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The Donalds Dossier: A risky town hall meeting and a night to remember

*Protesters in Bonita Springs, Fla., demonstrate outside Rep. Byron Donalds’ rally announcing his gubernatorial campaign on March 28. (Photo: Author)*

April 16, 2025 by David Silverberg

Rep. Byron Donalds (R-19-Fla.) has scheduled a town hall meeting on Monday, April 21 at 6:30 pm at Estero High School, 21900 River Ranch Rd., Estero, Fla.

This town hall is especially significant—and could be historic—because it is the first one scheduled since he declared his candidacy for governor of Florida on Feb. 25.

Every indication to date is that this will be a highly restricted meeting, intended more as a campaign rally for his gubernatorial race than as an open forum where constituents can freely air their concerns.

The meeting is restricted to voting constituents of the 19th Congressional District (CD19), the coastal area from Cape Coral to Marco Island.

The Donalds website for tickets states that only 700 spaces are available and these have already been taken. Ticketholder access will be confirmed by an emailed response from Donalds’ office, which must be shown, either printed or digital, upon entrance. The emails will not be sent out until 5:00 pm on April 18, according to the website. Guests must arrive between 4:30 and 5:30 pm.

Ticketholders may bring up to four family members but anyone entering over 18 years of age must have identification proving their residence in CD19.

According to the website, “Disruptive behavior will not be tolerated; the office reserves the right to remove protestors or those engaging in out-of-order activity.”

Town halls, past, present and local

*“Freedom of Speech,” painting by Norman Rockwell, 1943.*

The town hall meeting is a time-honored American democratic tradition, originating in the New England colonies, a place where all citizens were free to speak and in some cases vote on common concerns.

They became especially important in 1795 when Americans debated ratification of the Jay Treaty with Britain, ending the War of Independence.

Ever since then they’ve been a fixture of the American political process, a place for dialogue and discussion with elected representatives.

Since the 2024 election of Donald Trump, town hall meetings with Republican congressional representatives across the country have become especially contentious as constituents have protested and aired deep worries about the course and decisions of the Trump regime. As a result, many Republican representatives are avoiding town halls altogether.

Since the first election of Donald Trump as president and Francis Rooney as the CD19 representative in 2016, town hall meetings in Southwest Florida have taken on an air of urgency and contentiousness.

*Then-Rep. Francis Rooney speaks at a town hall meeting at in Bonita Springs, Fla., in May 2017. (Photo: Author*)

During his four years in office Rooney held town hall meetings that were extremely well attended to the point of overflowing the capacities of their venues. With Trump using unprecedented rhetoric and making radical moves, constituents expressed alarm and anger at the administration’s policies, which Rooney defended in a rote and workmanlike manner.

Rooney defended town hall meetings, telling the Fort Myers News-Press, they “are critically important because this is democracy at work. This is what our country is built on.”

The last two Rooney town halls were held on the same day, Feb. 22, 2018, in Marco Island and Cape Coral. These occurred eight days after the mass shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Fla. In stormy gatherings, Rooney defended gun rights and advocated structural improvements to school buildings in response. It didn’t satisfy attendees, who were frantic, emotional and outraged, with participants at times screaming and chanting at him.

Rooney never held another town hall meeting during the rest of his term in office.

Since taking office in 2021, Donalds has held ten town hall meetings including a “roundtable” in Fort Myers and virtual events online, according to his office. Two of these events focused on veterans. He also participated in debates with his Democratic opponent, Cindy Banyai, in his 2020 and 2022 runs for Congress but did no debates in 2024 against Kari Lerner, the 2024 Democratic candidate.

Following Trump’s urging and endorsement, on Feb. 25 Donalds announced his candidacy for governor of Florida in 2026 to replace the retiring Gov. Ron DeSantis.

Analysis: The stakes and the probabilities

*The Estero High School entrance. (Photo: Estero High School)*

In announcing the Estero town hall meeting Donalds is going against the Republican trend of avoiding facing constituents, as recommended by Rep. Richard Hudson (R-9-NC), the chair of the National Republican Congressional Committee.

It’s an especially risky move, given his campaign for governor.

However, it appears clear that his staff and campaign advisors are doing whatever they can to minimize any risk of embarrassment or failure. There are several choke points in the attendance process that accomplishes this.

Requiring proof of residency to ensure only constituent attendance makes sense given limited seating in the venue.

However, the fact that ticket applications must be vetted before sending a confirming e-mail likely means that staff is sifting through RSVPs to admit only Republican loyalists. The goal is to ensure that the town hall meeting appears as a campaign rally rather than an open discussion. This would explain the long delay in replying to RSVPs on the website, since people began responding immediately when tickets were first offered on April 8.

Indeed, one person who RSVP’d received a form asking the political affiliations of the family members she intended to bring with her.

A closed, vetted, restricted, supportive meeting can be streamed and used as propaganda in future campaign media.

Another choke point occurs when the meeting gets under way. A frequent technique is to require participants to write questions on cards, which can then be filtered by staff to weed out anything critical or challenging.

While the town hall meeting website does not state whether this technique will be used or not, it is highly likely in order to ensure a controlled, favorable meeting featuring softball questions and statements flattering the candidate.

So, in all, the indications are that this will not be a genuine town hall meeting of discussion and challenge but a carefully controlled campaign rally.

That said, constituents and others who are kept out of the meeting can assemble on public property outside the high school.

Donalds has said previously that any protests at his events constitute “astroturfing.” That’s political slang for the opposite of “grassroots”—i.e., paid, fake actors demonstrating rather than genuine local citizens.

Donalds charged that the protesters who showed up at his kickoff rally in Bonita Springs on March 28 were astroturfers, which they were provably not, and he has pre-emptively charged that protesters at his town hall meeting are the same.

“I would tell any Democrat that wants to come out there and astroturf my town hall, bring it, because we’re going to talk the truth, we’re going to talk about what’s really going on. I’m not afraid of you,” he said on March 5 on the Fox Network show, “The Ingraham Angle.”

However, given Trump’s propensity to project one’s own sins onto opponents, Donalds’ imitation of Trump’s manners and methods, and Donalds’ own lack of a following outside his district (and even within it), an observer has to wonder if any astroturfing going on is in his own camp, to turn out numbers for his events.

Whether astroturfed, vetted, filtered or not, the April 21 town hall represents a potential milestone in the politics of Southwest Florida—and given Donalds’ run for the governorship, in all of Florida and possibly the nation. It may just be a night to remember.

To see all previous reporting on Byron Donalds by The Paradise Progressive, click here.

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No freedom from fear: Trump, DeSantis, Donalds and Fort Myers, Florida

Darla Bonk (Ward 6) of the Fort Myers City Council (center) tears up as she votes against a motion to participate in the 287g policing program at the March 17 city council meeting. To her left is Diana Giraldo (Ward 2) and to her right is Liston Bochette (Ward 4). (Image: FMCC)

March 23, 2025 by David Silverberg

For 92 years, since 1933, Americans have not had to fear their government.

That was the year that President Franklin Roosevelt said in his inaugural address that “the only thing we have to fear is fear itself.”

Roosevelt took office in an atmosphere of fear; fear of economic and social collapse. He himself had to overcome fear in his personal life when he confronted the loss of his legs to polio. He inspired Americans to face adversity with the same confidence he had to instill in himself to struggle against the ravages of that terrible disease.

In 1941 he again emphasized his opposition to fear when he made “Freedom from Fear” one of the four fundamental freedoms for which the United States stood, along with freedom of speech and expression, freedom of worship, and freedom from want. Then, he was thinking of freedom from fear of international aggression.

Americans have had moments of fear since then: fear of war, nuclear annihilation, Communism, terrorism, disease. But the United States government, made of, by and for the people, has not deliberately used the inculcation of fear in the people it governs as a deliberate tool of state.

Until now.

President Donald Trump has used threats and intimidation—the inculcation of fear—throughout his time on the political stage, whether threatening violence against protesters at his rallies, or inciting a mob to attack Congress, the Capitol building and his vice president, or disparaging migrants and immigrants.

Where other presidents would use public threats sparingly and only as a last resort, for Trump the use of threats and intimidation is a first response, his default mode. It’s his immediate, reflexive reaction when facing a challenge, whether from foreign actors, domestic opponents or uncooperative judges.

In the past his threats were just bloviating on Twitter or he used them against celebrities, business rivals, unpaid contractors, or local officials insisting he adhere to the law. But now, as president, he is setting the national tone and establishing the model for behavior. As he himself once said in projecting his feelings onto his opponents, his primary emotions are “hatred, prejudice and rage.”

He has taken the presidential bully pulpit and turned it into a pulpit for bullying.

Coupled with the presidency’s formal, constitutional power, he’s creating a national mood of intolerance, intimidation—and fear.

That mafia-like atmosphere of menace is pervading American society. It’s falling most heavily on migrants and foreigners, for whom Trump is showing an almost psychotic hatred. It’s also manifest as officials down the chain of government ape Trump’s attitudes and approaches.

No one is immune, not even heavily Republican, Trumpist Southwest Florida.

The case of Fort Myers

On Monday, March 17, the seven-member Fort Myers City Council deadlocked on whether or not to give the city’s police officers immigration enforcement training under the 287(g) program.

Established by the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, the program allows local law enforcement agencies to work with the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) directorate of the US Department of Homeland Security. Local law enforcement agencies can detain suspected undocumented migrants and perform other immigration enforcement functions, which are constitutionally under federal authority.

In the current atmosphere of widespread deportation raids that are seen as increasingly indiscriminate, 287g has become a controversial program. Since each local jurisdiction has to individually approve involvement in it, it has sparked intense debate at the local level.

When it came up in Fort Myers, three members of the City Council voted against the training: Diana Giraldo (Ward 2), Terolyn Watson (Ward 3) and Darla Bonk (Ward 6). Three voted for it: Liston Bochette (Ward 4), Fred Burson (Ward 5), and Mayor Kevin Anderson. Another councilmember, Teresa Watkins Brown (Ward 1), attended remotely but was ineligible to vote, hence the evenly split vote.

The vote followed a passionate and intense discussion, driven by palpable fear. Although the program means only that local police will be trained to handle immigration cases and cooperate with ICE, speakers at the meeting worried about raids and mass deportations. They expressed concerns about racial profiling, improper detentions, disappearances, unwarranted surveillance, illegal arrests and persecution of Fort Myers’ Hispanic population and just general anti-immigrant attitudes.

The council members who voted against the program were sensitive to those concerns.

Addressing Police Chief Jason Fields, Giraldo, an immigrant and the first Latina to serve on the Council, said, “The city is not just us sitting here, it’s the people who live here. To support you, chief, to support the intent of the city, I can’t stand behind this. As an immigrant, though this is not going to affect me particularly [as a full citizen] I have been in that position and…I can’t even express how heavy this is to my heart and my mind, knowing that the majority of us that come as immigrants, we don’t come here to commit crimes. Of course there are crimes out there, people who commit crimes but everybody needs to be accountable for it regardless of whether they are legal or not. But this notion that all immigrants have a motive and we’re chased after, it’s just something I just can’t…” and she choked up and couldn’t continue.

Bonk followed her: “The last thing I want is anyone in our community feeling that we are not hearing a very deep concern that has been nationally put at our feet from many people who have become piranhas about the issue, that we have to be very careful at the local level,” she said.

In the pre-vote discussion she became increasingly distraught as she spoke and finally broke into tears. “You cannot begin to imagine how this affects me,” she said, weeping. “The argument—and I know there is no malice meant to it—that we would risk federal or state funding if I don’t sign up for this… . It is a tumultuous day and age and this is a day I hate to be in this seat, but my city is not for sale.”

(The 2-hour, 51-minute March 17 meeting can be seen in its entirety here.)

Because the Council deadlocked, the motion was defeated.

That brought swift, outraged threats from Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis (R), who has made hostility to immigration a cornerstone of his governorship and Attorney General James Uthmeier, who served as DeSantis’ chief of staff before being appointed attorney general.

DeSantis posted on X: “The 287 (g) program trains local law enforcement to aid ICE. Florida will ensure its laws are followed, and when it comes to immigration—the days of inaction are over.” Then in a direct command to Fort Myers he stated: “Govern yourselves accordingly.”

Initially, Uthmeier announced that his office would investigate the vote and the individual council members who voted against the program.

Subsequently, he posted on X: “Today, I sent a letter to the Fort Myers City Council.

“Sanctuary policies are illegal in Florida. Your vote last night makes you a sanctuary city.

“Fix this problem or face the consequences.”

In the letter he sent, Uthmeier provided his legal reasoning and detailed his threats to bring civil and criminal charges against the Council members and have them removed.

In addition to the legal warnings, there were extrajudicial threats. In a subsequent town hall, Bonk confirmed that she had received death threats because of her vote.

In addition to DeSantis and Uthmeier demanding obedience, Rep. Byron Donalds (R-19-Fla.), a Trump-endorsed candidate for governor, piled on. Fort Myers is in his congressional district.

“These officials that don’t understand their role, which is to implement a federal and state law, not circumvent and create sanctuary cities,” he said in an interview on the conservative NewsMax channel. “They simply need to be removed from office. They’re not going to follow the law. It’s that simple.”

He continued: “These Council members need to understand they have a responsibility to execute and implement state and federal law not to run against it, not to create a sanctuary. In my view, that’s a dereliction of their duty and their oath of office, and if they don’t reverse course, they should be removed.”

The Council reconvened in a special meeting on Friday, March 21.

Once again there was passionate input from the public overwhelmingly opposed to 287g, in fact to the point where people had to be gaveled down and order maintained. Members of the public still expressed fears of ICE and anti-immigrant measures and the speakers were overwhelmingly opposed to the agreement.

But this time the meeting was very different from the previous one.

The atmosphere had altered and council members were calmer. No one had changed more than Bonk. She went from a weeping, remorseful politician to a steely, resolved civil official and an angry one at that.

“Last I checked, this is still a republic,” she acidly observed. Regarding her comments on March 17 she said: “Expressing emotion is not a sign of weakness in leadership but of strength and for that I will not apologize, ever.”

She said she had not gotten answers from the city attorney to her previous questions about the 287g program but had done research on her own among state agencies, cities and attorneys who volunteered their advice.

Though she said she didn’t “harbor a sense of anger,” she directed a calm, relentless fury at City Attorney Grant Alley, who she said hadn’t provided the Council with the advice it needed to make an informed decision.

“I must express my grave concern that there was a significant dereliction of duty on the part of my city attorney. We as council members were put in a position of voting on a matter that was not within our legal authority or jurisdiction,” she said.

“It is the duty of our city attorney to guide this Council clearly, lawfully and thoroughly, especially when our decisions carry legal, financial and physical implications. The silence last Monday night placed each of us in jeopardy.” Addressing him directly, she said: “In this matter you failed us.”

But Bonk also defended her right to skepticism.

“Let me be clear: asking a question does not equate to disloyalty to my country,” she declared.

“Seeking understanding does not equate to weakness. And upholding the law includes questioning it when necessary to ensure that we act within it.”

She continued: “To those who misrepresented my actions, mischaracterized my words or weaponized misinformation I urge you to continue to get your facts straight. I will continue to uphold my oath and I will continue to represent Ward 6 with integrity, transparency and courage. I will continue to ask the hard questions, not in spite of my responsibility but because of it.”

Another vote was taken and this time all members of the Council voted to approve the program.

(The 2-hour, 54-minute March 21 meeting can be seen in its entirety here.)

After the vote was taken, Donalds gloated on X: “Fort Myers will never be a sanctuary city. Today, City Council members UNANIMOUSLY reversed course to allow @ICEgov coordination with @fortmyerspolice. Thank you to everyone who helped us pressure them into taking corrective action & ensuring the security of our SWFL community.”

Analysis: Fear and consequences

The new national attitude of fear was on full display in the Fort Myers debate. Everything was pervaded by fear; the residents’ concerns, the council members’ votes, the debate and discussion, the reaction and the final decision.

For immigrants, migrants and other residents of Fort Myers, the fear was of indiscriminate, racially-based persecution that would know no legal bounds.

No matter how much the police chief tried to reassure the Council and the public that the program was limited and bound by law, he couldn’t cut through the fear driving the opposition. Despite all his responses, 287g was seen as the immediate, tangible tip of the spear of a Trump-generated effort that increasingly appears to be heading toward ethnic and racial “cleansing.”

One Fort Myers resident, Christina Penuel, put it very succinctly in a letter to the editor published in the neighboring Naples Daily News on March 23.

“I’m not confident that our local police force wouldn’t take advantage of ICE’s broad language and lax training. We live in a very safe community and adding some terrible ICE program isn’t going to make it safer,” she wrote. “The ICE program is nothing more than thinly veiled racism aimed towards out Spanish population. We can decide as a community what we need and Fort Myers doesn’t need ICE.”

Speaking up like that was the only thing people could do given their limited leverage and ultimate powerlessness.

The council members responded to these constituent fears with their initial votes. They had their own concerns too. Furthermore, they were well within their rights and duties as elected public officials in casting their votes based on their individual and independent assessments of the issue even if, as Bonk stated, they were not given the full information they needed to make a fully cognizant choice.

But in an atmosphere where threat, menace and intimidation are the operative attitudes rather than rational discussion, respectful disagreement and dispassionate analysis, the immediate reaction to their vote, regardless of its legal legitimacy, was to issue threats and those threats were made to induce fear—“pressure,” in Donalds’ language—and through fear impose compliance.

Donalds’ approach was very instructive and illuminating. He didn’t really have a dog in this fight and could have stayed out of it without consequence. But aping Donald Trump, his endorser and the person to whom he owes any chance of the governorship, his immediate reaction was to jump in with threats to the city, the Council and the individual council members. What was more, his demand that they be removed was reflexive and unthinking.

It demonstrates that if elected he will be a very Trumpist governor in both policy and approach. Floridians can expect him to bully and browbeat officials, cities, towns, counties, lawyers—and individual citizens—into submitting to his will, just as Trump is trying to do to the rest of the country. Florida will become a state ruled by fear—even more so than now.

It is notable that the zeal for enforcing the law shown by DeSantis and Donalds in the case of Fort Myers on its most powerless and vulnerable residents, somehow does not extend to a 34-count convicted felon who has escaped punishment for his crimes, who incited a riot, attempted to overturn an election, overthrow the legislative branch of government, allegedly stole secret documents and sought to improperly alter election results, not to mention was found liable for sexual assault and whose collaboration with Russia has been well documented—and who presents an immediate and present danger to the public on a vastly greater scale than any possible migrant in Fort Myers. In his case, they have not made a peep about the majesty of the law or the need to vigorously enforce it.

(It also bears mentioning that if DeSantis and Uthmeier really want to crack down on a “sanctuary” jurisdiction, they should look at Collier County’s “Bill of Rights Sanctuary” ordinance, passed in 2023. If they’re going to be consistent, this one, which aims to place Collier County outside the “commanding hand” of the federal government, should be on their radar.)

A republic of fear?

In 1989 a book was published titled Republic of Fear.

It was written by Kanan Makiya, an Iraqi writer and academic, under the pseudonym Samir al-Khalil. It detailed the way Saddam Hussein and the fascist Ba’ath Party took over Iraq and imposed a regime of threat, menace and deadly violence on that country.

It opened with a man named Salim being taken from his house for no discernible reason by men with no discernible authority, with no warrant or justification. Nonetheless he doesn’t resist when he’s taken to an office, interrogated closely and then told to vacate his home immediately, which he does. After a time he’s allowed to move back. He never learns why he had to leave, who ordered him out or why he can return. It’s just the way things worked in Iraq.

And throughout the ordeal, Salim is in a state of fear, a state that Makiya made clear extended to all of Iraq and all Iraqis. Fear was simply how Saddam Hussein governed.

Fear is how all dictators govern.

Now fear is spreading outward from the Oval Office as President Donald Trump pursues retribution against all enemies, real and imagined; against prosecutors who charged him, against political opponents who dared to challenge him, and against judges who resist him to uphold the law.

The fear being used to impose this domination is trickling downward and outward and no place is immune, no matter how obscure or remote, as the case of Fort Myers has shown. At least these councilors who voted their conscience only faced removal and their city only faced a loss of grants and legal retaliation. In places like Iraq and Russia dictatorial retaliation has been and is deadly and permanent.

Under the nearly 250 years of their independence, Americans became perhaps the most fearless people on earth, securely confident in their values and inalienable rights, overcoming fear to settle a wilderness, explore the heavens, defeat Fascism, build a democracy and welcome people from all places and races. It’s what made America great.

Right now, unlike in Roosevelt’s time, there is more to fear than just fear itself. It has a name and address. But as Americans have conquered fear before, if they’re going to preserve themselves as Americans, this new fear must be confronted—and conquered in its turn.

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Facing the storm: The impact of Trump-Musk decisions on Southwest Florida

*Southwest Florida Trump supporters celebrate his inauguration on Jan. 20. (Image: WINK News)*

March 7, 2025 by David Silverberg

On Jan. 6, 2021, a rampaging mob incited by President Donald Trump defiled and vandalized the Capitol of the United States in what even Rep. Byron Donalds (R-19-Fla.) called at the time, “a warped display of so-called patriotism.”

Beginning on Jan. 20, 2025, the regime led by President Donald Trump began attacking and destroying the government of the United States in a no-less destructive series of executive orders and mass firings.

In his second inaugural address Trump declared that “From this moment on, America’s decline is over” but as with so many of his deceptions and delusions exactly the opposite is true. Under Trump, America isn’t declining, it’s plunging into isolation, ignorance and impotence.

Politically, Southwest Florida is heavily Trumpist. It was long a conservative bastion, whether segregationist Democratic or post-Richard Nixon “southern strategy” Republican. With Trump’s candidacy in 2016 it largely became a pro-Trump, Make America Great Again (MAGA) bastion. His victory and inauguration was celebrated and hailed locally, especially in Collier County.

As part of its political orientation, Southwest Florida has long been hostile to the federal government, particularly after the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020-2022. Collier County passed a federal nullification ordinance in 2023. The federal government was regarded as a hostile entity by local activists like Francis Alfred “Alfie” Oakes III and Keith Flaugh and their supporters.

With Trump now dominant, unchecked and unbalanced by Congress or any other institution, with billionaire Elon Musk and his Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) rampaging through federal agencies, and with the much-hated federal government being dismantled, what can Southwest Floridians expect from the Trump policy agenda? What will be the impact on them and their region? How will people feel Trumpism in their personal lives?

Social Security uncertainty

A homeless encampment in Fort Myers under the Matanzas Pass bridge *in 2023* *in the wake of Hurricane Ian. Homelessness is likely to rise in Southwest Florida if Social Security and other safety net programs are cut or terminated. (Photo: WGCU/Mike Walcher)*

Social Security is clearly at risk.

In the past Trump has promised not to touch Social Security—but the same cannot be said for the Social Security Administration (SSA), which administers the program. There, Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) has reportedly targeted at least 7,000 jobs for elimination. These are the people who make sure the checks go out on time, who help recipients with difficulties and clear procedural problems.

Musk has called Social Security “the biggest Ponzi scheme of all time” and accused it of being rife with fraud.

In his March 4 State of the Union address, Trump also alleged waste, stating that “Believe it or not, government databases list 4.7 million Social Security members from people aged 100 to 109 years old”—which prompted shouts of “No!” and “It’s false! False!” from members of Congress. In his very next sentence, Trump altered the numbers: “It lists 3.6 million people from ages 110 to 119. I don’t know any of them. I know some people that are rather elderly but not quite that elderly.”

That too was incorrect. According to the Social Security Administration, only 89,106 recipients older than 100 years were listed on Social Security rolls as of December 2024. Leland Dudek, the acting commissioner, said in February that the raw numbers did not reflect actual benefits being paid.

“The reported data are people in our records with a Social Security number who do not have a date of death associated with their record. These individuals are not necessarily receiving benefits,” Dudek clarified.

When it comes to Southwest Florida, according to 2023 figures from the Social Security Office of Retirement and Disability Policy, there were 3,780 Social Security recipients in Collier County, 11,937 in Lee County and 2,779 in Charlotte County. Overall, there were 539,276 Social Security beneficiaries in Florida, the second largest number in the country, after California.

(Editor’s note: The 2023 figures may be the last credible figures available, given cuts to the Social Security workforce and removal of publicly available data across the federal government.)

Social Security doesn’t just provide a steady, reliable income for those who paid into it all their working lives, it helps fuel the local economy.

Any cuts to the benefits will be devastating for fixed-income recipients who depend on the program and will likely have a significant impact on the businesses and services they use, not to mention equally devastating blows to Medicare, Medicaid and other safety net social programs that are being considered for DOGEing.

Beyond that, the regime’s official hostility toward vaccinations and public health measures both at the federal and state levels means that Southwest Floridians will be vulnerable to epidemics and diseases previously rendered non-threatening. Already, one case of measles has been reported in a Florida high school. In Texas the number is 158, with one death.

Thanks to these policies and actions, Southwest Floridians will be both poorer and sicker.

Prices, tariffs and international isolation

President Joe Biden, along with the independent efforts of the Federal Reserve, managed to lower the inflation rate from 7.5 percent as of January 2022 to 2.9 percent by the end of his term in December 2024, according to the US Bureau of Labor Statistics.

*The inflation rate under President Joe Biden from January 2022 to December 2024. (Chart: US Bureau of Labor statistics [click link for full interactive chart and data])*

Trump’s economic isolationist policies will undoubtedly drive up prices of all goods and services across the board—this is Kindergarten Economics 101. Completely unnecessary and unprovoked trade wars with America’s biggest trading partners, Canada, Mexico and China, will effectively impose a tax on everything that Americans buy, especially big-ticket items like cars and appliances.

Southwest Florida stands to be hit hard by Trump’s inflation: prices for foodstuffs like tomatoes and common items like imported beer from Mexico will rise, not to mention big ticket items like cars and car parts and anything made of steel and aluminum.

Southwest Florida will also be particularly hard hit by Trump’s economic and verbal attacks on Canada, which was a source of 15 percent of Collier County’s tourism. In 2024, 119,000 Canadian visitors came to Collier County, according to the Naples, Marco Island, Everglades Convention & Visitors Bureau.

Canadians also accounted for 5 percent of Lee County’s tourism in April and June of last year. Statewide, Visit Florida, the state’s tourism bureau, estimated that over 3.2 million Canadians visited Florida in 2024, making up 27 percent of all international travelers

“Canadians are hurt. Canadians are angry. We are going to choose to not go on vacation in Florida,” Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said in a press conference on Tuesday, March 4, when US tariffs kicked in. “We are going to choose to try and buy Canadian products … and yeah we’re probably going to keep booing the American anthem.”

Unusually, Trudeau addressed Trump directly: “I want to speak directly to one specific American, Donald,” Trudeau said. “It’s not in my habit to agree with the Wall Street Journal, but Donald, they point out that even though you’re a very smart guy, this is a very dumb thing to do.”

When it comes to America’s southern trading partner, Mexico provides considerable produce for Florida consumers including tomatoes, avocados and strawberries. As importantly, it and other Latin American countries have been a major source of cheap labor, whether documented or undocumented, for Florida’s construction, hospitality and agricultural industries, especially in the Southwest region.

But Trump has been at war with Mexican migrants since his very first candidate press conference in 2015 when he called them “criminals” and “rapists.”

Now Trump’s hatred, prejudice and rage against migrants is official US policy and that goes double for Florida where the governor and legislature are competing with each other to enact ever more restrictive and punitive measures.

The effort is ostensibly aimed against undocumented migrants, who have gone from being regarded as people seeking a better life and a source of cheap labor to a criminal invasion that threatens the country. But the hostility to immigrants whatever their status, particularly those from Latin and South America, is unmistakable.

An interesting example of this is a television advertisement from Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem that just began running in Florida markets, promising to hunt down undocumented migrants, urging the rest to self-deport, extravagantly praising Trump and ending with the lines “America welcomes those who respect our laws” while closing with an image of a 34-count convicted felon.

The ultimate end of these efforts appears to be to make Florida the most anti-immigrant state in the nation.

Immigration raids are ongoing in Southwest Florida as they are throughout the country, including possible targets in schools, churches and hospitals. Their net effect for Southwest Florida residents, in addition to the potential for their neighbors and employees to suddenly be deported, will be another force driving up prices, depressing the local economy and eroding the quality of life and availability of all goods and services.

DOGE destruction: FEMA and NOAA

*Debris lines a street in Naples, Fla., following Hurricane Ian in 2022. (Photo: Author)*

Both the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and the National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) were targeted by Project 2025, the conservative governing blueprint. These are two agencies are of particular importance to Southwest Florida given its vulnerability to weather, climate change, hurricanes and harmful algal blooms.

DOGE has already fired 500 people from the National Weather Service, an office of NOAA, and another round of 800 layoffs is expected. This means there will be that much less capability for forecasting and warnings of dangerous storms. Even the famous Hurricane Hunters, the heroic pilots and crews who fly into storms to gather crucial data, are not immune. It’s unclear whether there will be any Hurricane Hunter aircraft flying in the future.

This will leave Southwest Floridians with less time to prepare in the event of severe weather and will probably make forecasts less precise, affecting evacuation decisions and endangering the public. It reverses 155 years of steady scientific meteorological progress ever since the US government first started monitoring the weather in 1870.

After a storm comes through, FEMA is likely to have less capacity to help victims and survivors, depending how its budgeting and management emerge from the current shakeup.

One dramatic way that people in Southwest Florida will see this on the ground is in debris removal after a major storm. Instead of several months of inconvenience, debris will now be more likely to linger for years, proving a health and navigation hazard.

After Hurricane Ian in 2022, the Lee County government put the estimated cost of Hurricane Ian in the county at $297.3 million. Over half of this was for debris removal, whose cost came to $156.3 million. Much of that was covered by FEMA funding.

In the future, given likely cuts to disaster assistance, money won’t be there and the debris will linger as counties and municipalities struggle to cope with storms’ aftermaths.

It needs to be noted that Donalds, whose district covers coastal Southwest Florida from Cape Coral to Marco Island, has consistently voted against appropriations bills that would replenish FEMA funding. Moreover, he is now running for governor on a Trump-endorsed platform, so in the event of disasters between now and the 2026 election he cannot be expected to assist affected communities and seek aid from an eviscerated FEMA and a hostile regime.

In all, Southwest Florida will be on its own, before, during and after any storms.

Gulf of Mexico: Exploitation and degradation

*Offshore oil platforms and vessels. (Photo: USCG)*

Trump’s announcement on Jan. 7 that he was renaming the Gulf of Mexico the “Gulf of America” proved a major distraction—as intended. But it masked a much more serious threat to the body of water and the communities on its shoreline, in particular those of Southwest Florida.

When, as a candidate, Trump was pressed about the possibility of being dictator, he responded that he would be a dictator on day one so he could implement a policy of “drill, baby, drill.”

That day has passed and indeed, the protections Southwest Floridians enjoyed against coastal oil exploration and exploitation on their shores are gone.

On his first day in office Trump declared a national energy emergency and revoked a large number of previous executive orders and memoranda issued by President Joe Biden. Among these were executive actions protecting areas from offshore drilling, including off the coast of Florida. The Trump actions were challenged in court and as of this writing await final disposition.

However, the possibility is much higher now that when Southwest Floridians go to the beach in the future they could be met by a vista of derricks, drilling platforms, ship traffic and wade into water polluted with spills, chemicals and oil debris.

Education and the descent into ignorance

*The Collier County School Board building. (Photo: CCPS)*

On Monday, March 3, the US Senate voted to confirm Linda McMahon, a former chief executive officer of World Wrestling Entertainment, as Secretary of Education. On Thursday, March 6, The Washington Post reported that Trump was going to issue an executive order calling on McMahon to “take all necessary steps” to facilitate the closure of the Department of Education “to the maximum extent appropriate and permitted by law.”

The Department of Education, created by President Jimmy Carter, has long been a conservative, Republican target.

The closure of the department, whose primary mission is to distribute federal education grants, will negatively impact local school districts. Nationwide, public spending on kindergarten through 12th grade education totals $857.2 billion of which the federal government provides 13.6 percent.

This reaches down to every school and school district. In Southwest Florida, for example, in its tentative 2024-25 budget released last July 31, the Collier County School District estimated it would receive $7,243,150 in direct federal funding and nearly $80 million in federal funding passed on through the state. This money goes for everything from school lunches, to salaries, to supplies, to services, to furniture and more. Lee County is expecting $87,879,653 in federal funds during the 2024 to 2025 fiscal school year both directly and through the state.

The uncertainty and unpredictability of federal education funding under Trump-McMahon will make it nearly impossible for local school districts to reliably and credibly budget for the 2025-2026 fiscal school year. They cannot even budget based on previous fiscal years or hold spending steady, since the past can no longer be a guide to future funding.

What is more, if the funds are cut off altogether, as seems likely, every school district in the country will be impacted. The big losers here are the students, who will lose everything from teaching materials to facilities, and the country itself, which will become less educated, less capable and less informed.

Once again, no comfort or assistance should be expected from Southwest Florida’s congressional representative, Byron Donalds, who, along with his wife has been a longtime critic of public education and proponent of non-public alternatives. As a Trump-endorsed candidate for governor, it is unlikely that he will go against Trump’s decrees and argue the case for funding state and local public schools in Congress when the ax falls.

Commentary: Barbarians through the gates

In the year 455 of the Common Era, a barbarian tribe known as the Vandals sacked the city of Rome. They occupied it for two weeks and during that time their wanton, random, mindless destructiveness gave rise to the word “vandalism.”

Currently, it is as though the tag team of Trump and Musk is trying to replay the sack of Rome in Washington, DC, complete with ruin and barbarity. Trump is driven by hatred and a desire for revenge and Musk is pursuing an elusive and undefined “efficiency” that thoughtlessly changes daily based on his whims. They are making big decisions on the basis of stereotypes, assumptions and emotions that make them feel strong or outraged rather than dispassionate examination of a complicated reality. And they are acting without regard to law, due process or constitutional restraints.

Together they are carelessly upending the 249 years of painstaking thought and effort that built the United States and the federal system that governs it. This essay hasn’t even scratched the surface of the damage they are doing economically, internationally or scientifically, affecting health, safety, research, military strength, homeland security, law enforcement and every other area of life and civilization involving the United States government. The ultimate victims are the American people and the United States itself.

Those Southwest Floridians who still support Trump and his regime for emotional or sentimental reasons should know that they will not be immune or protected or untouched by the tempest out of the Oval Office. It’s coming to Southwest Florida as surely as any hurricane barreling in from the Gulf of Mexico. They’re going to get wet too.

There is a rising opposition to this in Southwest Florida, as people begin to demonstrate and protest. Perhaps the same spirit that led Ukraine to fight Russia’s aggression—and motivated American patriots to oppose a distant king’s tyranny nearly 250 years ago—can help contain some of the damage from the human-caused storm that’s already breaking on Southwest Florida’s sunny shores.

*A building destroyed by Hurricane Ian on Fort Myers Beach, Fla., four months after the storm came ashore in September 2022. (Photo: Author)*

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Can John Morgan launch a real political party in Florida?

*John Morgan discusses his plans to create a new political party in Florida with Dave Elias, political reporter for Gulf Coast News on Feb. 28. (Image: Gulf Coast News)*

March 1, 2025 by David Silverberg

John Morgan, the personal injury lawyer of Florida’s incessant and ubiquitous television advertisements, has announced that he is forming a new political party.

As of this writing there are not a lot of details. Morgan announced the new party in a series of X postings.

Here is the sequence, which began at 4:35 pm on Wednesday, Feb. 26. They provide as much detail as Morgan has chosen to make public to date. (Punctuation as posted.)

4:35 PM · Feb 26, 2025:

I am forming a new political party for those of us stuck in the middle.

Our two party system is broken due to Gerrymandering and divisive issues… both sides.

No labels is not an option. Everyone wants a team or tribe.

Ron Myers is my lawyer drafting the paperwork. Stay tuned. #ForThePeople

7:04 AM · Feb 27, 2025:

I need 4 people to file my paperwork. Phil Levine is in… What about you Rod Smith and John McKay? This is ecumenical…

7:45 AM · Feb 27, 2025:

This party is not for “me” necessarily… it’s for “us”

Both parties have things I like. But what I don’t like is that everything is a bloodsport. It’s all or nothing. Compromise is a dirty word and civility has been abandoned.

The last time America was together was right after 9/11. And I liked that feel. Just like the greatest generation in WW2.

People… we are all on the same fucking team. I didn’t vote for Trump but I’m pulling like hell for Trump. I didn’t vote for Kamala either btw. It’s time for a third choice. If the choice is only vanilla or chocolate… you never get to eat strawberry.

Life is like a box of chocolates.

8:15 AM · Feb 27, 2025

What I have learned with my constitutional amendments and others… is that when an issue is not associated with a party most of us agree on most things.

– Marijuana

– Minimum Wage

– Felons rights

– Fair districts But special interests own the politicians in DC and throughout America.

We need to focus not on me… but US!!

Most laws passed today benefit insurance companies, pharmaceutical companies and other monopolies.

How about some laws for the people?

People told me my constitutional amendments had no chance and that I was a dreamer. Dream it… Do it… #ForThePeople

2:00 PM · Feb 27, 2025

The next Governor of Florida should do a few things first…

Expunge or clear every criminal record for possession of pot.

Legalize recreational marijuana immediately. I take a gummy every night and enjoy a few puffs every now and then.

Allow people to home grow pot. A no brainer.

And allow the hemp industry to grow and prosper.

Those would be day one and it’s what Florida wants.

Aside from whatever hallucinations might be induced by those puffs and gummies, how realistic is a third party in Florida? Might Morgan succeed in establishing one—and even becoming governor?

An unpromising history

Most people don’t realize it but there are far more than just two political parties in the United States. As of this January there were 55 distinct national-level political parties and 238 state-level parties, according to Ballotpedia.

Only the Republican and Democratic parties are qualified in all 50 states. The Libertarian Party is qualified in 38 states, the Green Party in 23 states and the Constitution Party in 12 states.

In Florida, according to the Department of State, which oversees elections, in addition to the Democratic and Republican parties, there are 14 additional qualified parties:

American Solidarity Party of Florida (ASP)
Boricua Party (BPP)
Coalition With A Purpose Party (CPP)
Conservative Party of Florida (CSV)
Constitution Party of Florida (CPF)
Ecology Party of Florida (ECO)
Florida Forward Party (FFP)
Florida Natural Law Party (NAT)
Green Party of Florida (GRE)
Independent Party of Florida (IND)
Jeffersonian Party of Florida (JEF)
Libertarian Party of Florida (LPF)
Party for Socialism and Liberation – Florida (PSL)
Reform Party (RFM)

The No Labels Party of Florida disbanded last November and the People’s Party had its qualification revoked last October.

For the most part third parties have revolved around individuals.

The largest and most successful was then-former President Theodore Roosevelt’s Progressive Party, better known as the Bull Moose Party, which won 27.4 percent of the vote in the 1912 presidential election—eclipsing incumbent President William Howard Taft’s Republicans, who won 23.2 percent.

The logo of Theodore Roosevelt’s Progressive, “Bull Moose” Party. (Art: Wikipedia)

That campaign only succeeded in making Democrat Woodrow Wilson president and the party collapsed when Roosevelt declined to run in 1916 and tried to hand the baton to a successor.

In more recent times third party presidential bids were made in 1980 by John Anderson, a Republican congressman from Illinois who ran against President Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan, and entrepreneur Ross Perot who ran as an independent in 1992 and qualified in all states. He ran again in 1996.

In state campaigns, former professional wrestler Jesse Ventura succeeded in winning the governorship of Minnesota in 1998 as the Reform Party candidate. However, he left that party after a year and joined the Independence Party of Minnesota.

Florida has had a third party governor before.

In 1916, after losing the Democratic Party nomination under suspicious circumstances, Sidney Catts ran as the Prohibition Party candidate and won with 47.7 percent of the vote. (The Prohibition Party still exists and claims to be the oldest one in the United States.)

(Parenthetically, Catts won by pounding two themes: 1) complaining that the nomination had been stolen from him by the Democratic political machine and 2) what one historian described as “an almost psychotic anti-Catholicism.” Catts charged that the Pope in Rome was planning to come to Florida to take over the United States with the help of nuns and monks who were stockpiling weapons in convents and monasteries—along with Catholic immigrants who were flooding the country. While there was never any proof of any of his conspiracy theories, they resonated with rural Floridians.)

*The Pensacola Journal reports Sidney Catts’ inauguration on Jan. 3, 1917. (Art: Library of Congress)*

So no matter what its basis, there is precedent for a third party gubernatorial bid in Florida—and a victory.

Hungering for a third way

For some time there has been a hunger for a third, centrist political alternative in Florida.

In October 2022 the University of South Florida (USF) released a comprehensive public opinion survey in advance of the gubernatorial election at that time.

In the survey of 600 Floridians, 46 percent said they would be supportive of a third party and the same percentage said they would be likely to vote for a centrist, third party candidate.

The survey also showed the disillusionment with the established parties: fewer than half of respondents had a favorable view of either the Democratic or Republican parties, with only 41percent of Democrats and 43 percent of Republicans backing their own parties.

Both Democrats and Republicans felt that their parties reflected their most extreme wings (24 percent of Democrats and 30 percent of Republicans).

Have things changed in the last two years? Is Donald Trump’s presidency or Gov. Ron DeSantis’ (R) governorship driving a longing for a third alternative? Regrettably, there has not been a similar survey of public opinion in Florida since the USF survey, as best this author can determine. While there will likely be many partisan polls in the days to come, the prospects for non-partisan and objective polling and surveying is uncertain at best.

Morgan may touch a chord with his call for non-partisanship. No doubt he will be commissioning his own polls. But given Florida’s woeful lack of neutral, non-partisan public opinion research, the prospects for a third party will rest on hopes and dreams rather than hard data.

Obstacles

There are enormous obstacles to third party political bids, not least of which is qualifying for the ballot in enough jurisdictions to have a reasonable shot at winning.

Beyond just getting on the ballot, third parties face funding restraints, media indifference, legal obstacles, voter unfamiliarity and a system that is simply built around the assumption of two competing parties—in addition to the vociferous opposition of the existing parties.

A real party aiming at a permanent presence seeks to run candidates at all levels for all open offices. As an example of this, last year Florida Democratic Chair Nicole “Nikki” Fried did extensive and strenuous work getting credible Democrats to run for all available seats. It was a major accomplishment when she filled all the slots—even if the vast majority lost. But she understood the importance of the goal.

In every recent third party instance, the party did not last beyond the candidacy of its founder and chief candidate. People like Anderson, Perot and Ventura never built the infrastructure, organization and networks required to take the party from election to election, through both victories and defeats, and build a roster of officeholders, candidates and aspirants that would allow it to endure.

If Morgan is really going to build a third party and not just a lone, independent candidacy, he needs to recruit and qualify candidates for every office up for election in 2026, from mosquito controller to governor.

The good news for him is that there is over a year and a half before the election; the bad news is that that’s actually not a lot of time for an effort of that magnitude.

Analysis: What to watch

Right now Morgan’s declaration is fueling a lot of media excitement.

Morgan himself remains very vague about the future. “I don’t know. I’m going to just test the waters,” he told Gulf Coast News’ Politics Reporter Dave Elias in an interview on Feb. 28.

He also made the point that leadership of the new party “…doesn’t have to be me” and at 68 years old going on 69, “I would consider it if all the stars lined up.”

This is salutary humility because he really has to decide between a run for governor and starting a new party. Either one is a serious endeavor and will take all his energy, attention and focus.

He could do both and that’s been the historic pattern of third party candidates. But the historic pattern is also that when attempting both, neither is done well.

Morgan certainly has the managerial, political and financial chops to make either endeavor credible: he’s built the largest injury law firm in the country, with offices in all 50 states. He’s succeeded in lobbying through two Florida constitutional amendments. He has an estimated personal and family wealth of $1.5 billion according to Forbes magazine (and $453 million in personal wealth in 2024, according to ImpactWealth.org). He could draw on talent from all over the country.

Whatever he does, if he’s going to be active he has to decide what he’s doing and get going now. As of this writing it is 612 days until Election Day, Nov. 3, 2026.

That may sound like a lot of time but when it comes to starting a real, permanent political party it’s barely the blink of an eye.

Then again, in politics, a single day can be an eternity.

Commentary: A modest proposal…

A potential party logo. (Art: Wikimedia Commons)

John Morgan says he doesn’t know what his new party name will be. He’s thinking of the “Capitalist Party.” If he chooses to go with his law firm’s slogan, it would likely be the “For the People Party.”

Here’s a thought: how about the RINO Party?

Right now RINO is an insult among Republicans, standing for “Republican In Name Only.” It’s usually used against anyone who isn’t a Trump true believer.

Owning political insults is a time honored tradition. Take the political names “Tory” and “Whig.”

A “Tory” was originally an insulting Irish name for “outlaw” (from the Middle Irish word “tóraidhe”) that British politicians hurled at their opponents in the 17th century. Over time those called tories came to own the epithet and informally adopted it as their nickname. During the American Revolution it was what revolutionaries called loyalists.

Similarly a “Whig” was the contemptuous British name for Scottish cattle drovers. It was applied to fanatical Protestants, “Whiggamores,” when they raided Edinburgh in 1648. It was used as an insult and then adopted by a British political faction. In the United States, it became the name of a major political party opposing President Andrew Jackson in the 1830s.

So owning insults with pride has a long history and there isn’t any reason that RINO shouldn’t be used the same way.

Of course, what Morgan calls his party is his business and the party’s but with a RINO (and a rhino) at least they won’t have to look far for a logo and a mascot.

What’s more, RINO doesn’t have to stand for Republican In Name Only. It could also stand for “Really Independent Nasty Opponent.”

And you’d better get out of the way when they’re charging.

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The Donalds Dossier: Byron for governor? The possibilities and pitfalls

*Byron Donalds embraces Donald Trump at a 2019 awards ceremony in South Carolina. It has taken six years for Trump to embrace him back. (Image: Donalds campaign)*

Feb. 23, 2025 by David Silverberg

Rep. Byron Donalds (R-19-Fla.) looks like a shoo-in for governor of Florida—and if the election were held tomorrow he likely would be.

The cause of the current excitement is President Donald Trump’s near-full endorsement of Donalds in an X post at 6:12 pm Thursday night, Feb. 20. The only reason it’s not a “complete and total endorsement” is that Donalds has not yet filed to run for the office. As Trump stated in his post, “should he decide to run” then he would have Trump’s “Complete and Total Endorsement.”

And the post ends with: “RUN, BYRON, RUN!”

After Trump’s years of snubs, indifference and neglect, in politics it doesn’t get much better than that.

But in fact the election is a long ways off. As of this writing it is 1 year, 8 months and 11 days before Election Day, Nov. 3, 2026—or perhaps more importantly, 1 year, 5 months and 26 days before the primary election on August 18, which will likely decide the contest.

A lot can happen.

An endorsement this early brings with it a great many advantages—and downsides.

So where does Donalds really stand in any quest for the governor’s seat in Tallahassee?

(Editor’s note: On Jan. 7, The Paradise Progressive reached out to Rep. Byron Donalds through his office with a request for an in-person interview. No response has been received to date.)

The race

Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) is term-limited and must step down at the end of his current term.

While he was raised from a congressman struggling to win a Republican primary by a Trump endorsement in 2017, he then had the temerity to run for president despite the wishes of the disgraced, twice-impeached Trump in 2023.

Although Trump destroyed DeSantis’ candidacy with name-calling and insults, he has never forgiven this act of disloyalty and heresy, despite gestures of reconciliation—or in DeSantis’ case, complete and total submission.

In 2023 Donalds had to pick between DeSantis and Trump, with both of whom he had been close. In April of that year he chose to turn his back on DeSantis and endorsed Trump for president, one of the first Florida Republicans to do so. Donalds maintained ties with the former president even during his darkest days of disgrace after the January 6th insurrection (which Donalds condemned at the time, calling the rioters “lawless vigilantes,” “a bunch of lunatics,” “an unruly mob,” who were guilty of “thuggery” in “a warped display of so-called patriotism”). For several years running, Donalds welcomed Trump to annual Christmastime fundraising visits in Naples—whose exact locations were kept secret.

*Rep. Byron Donalds’ full statement in the immediate wake of the Jan. 6, 2021 insurrection and Capitol attack. (Emphasis and highlights by the author.)*

When Trump ran again Donalds jumped right in. For the past two years of his term in Congress Donalds has been a faithful spear carrier for Trump in the legion of Make America Great Again (MAGA) cultists.

He actively campaigned for Trump, worked the media to regurgitate the full litany of Trump delusions, and was slavishly praiseful of the master. For a time he thought a vice presidential nod might be his but neither that nor an administration appointment came to pass when Trump won the election.

But immediately after the election Donalds evinced an interest in the governorship. In January of this year he hired the polling and political consulting firm Fabrizio, Lee & Associates, based in Arlington, Va. Tony Fabrizio, head of the firm, did polling for Trump’s 2016 campaign and for his MAGA Inc., super political action committee.

His next move was to release a poll that showed him vastly ahead of any other potential gubernatorial contender. On Jan. 29, the Fort Myers polling firm Victory Insights released a poll that showed Donalds polling well ahead of other Republicans in a potential primary race. Donalds came in at 31 percent approval versus Lt. Gov. Jeanette Nuñez at 4 percent, Agriculture Commissioner Wilton Simpson at 3 percent, and Miami Mayor Francis Suarez at 1 percent. Donalds similarly led the field against potential candidates in an April 2024 poll by the same firm when pitted against Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-1-Fla.), Rep. Michael Waltz (R-6-Fla.), Florida Chief Financial Officer Jimmy Patronis and Agriculture Commissioner Wilton Simpson. (Waltz has since been named National Security Advisor.)

These polls could be dismissed as campaign tactics to scare potential rivals out of the race, given that they were not conducted by a disinterested party like a non-partisan pollster or an academic institution. Further, among hundreds of other pollsters, Victory Insights has been rated 209th by ABC/538.com, which gave it a one-star rating overall, a score of 1 for bias (negative numbers are better) and a low .7 score for transparency, the amount of information it discloses about its polls.

Also, these polls left out other potential rivals, most notably Casey DeSantis, Florida’s first lady who is also rumored to be considering a run.

Whether or not Donalds’ polls showed the true state of play or not, they certainly served the purpose of impressing Trump, who first referenced the Jan. 29 poll in a Feb. 17 Truth Social posting highlighted by Donalds.

The Feb. 20 Trump near-endorsement has led to a wave of publicity and media coverage virtually presuming that Donalds is already elected governor.

But that is hardly the case.

The advantages

There’s no doubt the Trump endorsement carries great weight in Florida, which Trump carried by 56 percent in the 2024 election.

It has undoubtedly already scared off many potential rivals. Those who might think of running will certainly reconsider.

Perhaps the greatest advantage of the Trump endorsement is its potential to open the spigots of cash that will be necessary.

That cash will be important. With numerous fragmented media markets, Florida is an expensive place to run a statewide campaign.

All indications are that Donalds is not widely known in the state outside of his Southwest Florida district, nor does he have a large or devoted following. A statewide campaign will have to introduce him to the majority of Florida Republicans and then all other voters and that will take a lot of money.

However, Florida elections can be bought, as evidenced by Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.), another personally unpopular politician who has run very expensive campaigns that he won on very thin margins.

In his congressional campaigns Donalds was dependent on corporate and ideological political action committees (PACs), which heavily funded his races in exchange for a variety of ideological and political pledges. The Trump endorsement raises the prospect that Elon Musk, the shadow president, Trump backer and richest man in the world, will intervene on Donalds’ behalf. If so, Donalds wouldn’t have to rely on numerous PACs but would be completely beholden to Musk alone.

A Donalds victory would play to Trump’s advantage in that he would be getting a completely subservient governor of ostentatious loyalty in his home state.

Also, if Donalds wins, Trump’s record as a kingmaker remains intact. As his endorsement elevated DeSantis in 2017, he would show that he could do it again and that he completely dominates Florida.

All voters regardless of party should take comfort in one aspect of the endorsement: it indicates that Trump expects there to be a competitive 2026 election, as scheduled. In the radical regime Trump has established, that is not to be taken for granted.

The disadvantages

Being the front runner makes Donalds the biggest target in the field. Being the front runner two years out from the election means there will be a lot of time for rivals and opponents to marshal their resources to hit that target.

That means two years of opposition research into all of Donalds’ personal failings, failures and faults—and Donalds’ life and his family will be subject to a scrutiny and exposure he has never experienced as a state legislator or congressional candidate.

When he was 19 years old, Donalds was arrested for drug possession with intent to sell and was let off easy. He has never hidden it and acknowledged it in his very first run for Congress. There was also a bribery allegation when he was a student, for which he gave various explanations and which was expunged from his record.

Last July, The Florida Trident, an independent investigative news site, featured an article based on an interview with Donalds’ first wife, Bisa Hall (Trident Exclusive: Trump VP hopeful Byron Donalds’ ex-wife shares her story, says what he’s doing is “super-dangerous”).

It was detailed, extensive and revealing. Hall was alarmed by Donalds’ relationship with Trump.

“I have big reactions to that man, I don’t think he’s a good human,” Hall said of Trump. “It’s not even political; I just think he’s a bad person.”

She continued: “To see [Trump and Donalds] in collusion together, it was like, ‘If [Donalds] were a good human, would this very bad person be pushing him as a poster child?’” she asked rhetorically. “They’re both very opportunistic. You trot him out there and it makes some people feel better about Trump. I think what he’s doing is super dangerous and I think morally he and I have no crossover at all.”

Hall is African-American. She and Donalds met while they were students at Florida A&M University. They married in 1999 when her scholarship ran out and she needed a claim to Florida residency to maintain her in-state tuition.

After their marriage Donalds attended Florida State University where, despite his marriage, he started dating a white, wealthy student named Erika Lees from a politically conservative family (and to whom he didn’t reveal he was married, according to Hall). When he got Lees pregnant in 2003, he asked Hall for an expedited divorce—and also asked her to cover the divorce costs. He promised to pay her back, which he had not done as of last July, Hall stated.

Donalds married Erika on March 15, 2003. They had their first child five months and six days later.

“I don’t find him considerate, I don’t find him genuine,” Hall said of Donalds. “In all these years since, you’ve changed the nature of your character? No.”

At one time these kinds of allegations and this kind of behavior would have disqualified a candidate for elected office at any level. However, in an era when a convicted felon, sexual assaulter, mob inciter, contract welcher and even arguably a murderer (Iranian General Qassem Soleimani) can be elected president, Donalds’ misdeeds and misbehavior are unlikely to count as disqualifiers with the Florida public.

There is also Donalds’ congressional record, which is hardly distinguished, featuring just one signed piece of legislation enacted into law during his first four years in office.

Nor does he have any relevant management experience that would even remotely qualify him for an executive job like the governorship.

And then there is the one big and unavoidable factor Donalds has tried to overcome, ignore or get the public to overlook in his public career—when it suited his interests. When it served his interests he took a different tack.

The race card

If elected, Donalds would be Florida’s first African-American governor. Race will play an inescapable role in the campaign.

From the very beginning, Donalds has used his race to build his brand—in contrast to most black politicians and activists who have sought to further civil rights and end racial discrimination.

“Today, I’m everything the fake news media tells you doesn’t exist,” he said in a 2020 campaign ad. “A strong, Trump-supporting, gun-owning, liberty-loving, pro-life, politically incorrect Black man.”

After working as a financial advisor in the private sector, Donalds began his political career in 2010, running as a Tea Party candidate opposed to the nation’s first African-American president, Barack Obama.

Donalds said he was inspired to get into politics by the 2008 financial collapse, which occurred on the watch of Republican President George W. Bush. Nonetheless, Donalds leaped into the Tea Party movement.

*Byron Donalds in 2010, speaking at a Tea Party rally.(Image: YouTube/Byron Donalds)*

His 2012 congressional campaign bid failed but he was elected to the Florida legislature in 2016, representing the 80th House District, which covered largely rural eastern Collier County and the mostly Hispanic, migrant farming town of Immokalee. Donalds won the Republican primary with 64 percent of the vote and was unopposed in the general election.

In 2016 he was all in on the campaign for Donald Trump.

In 2020, upon the retirement of Rep. Francis Rooney from the 19th Congressional District, Donalds barely edged out a nine-candidate Republican field to win the primary and then the general election against Democrat Cindy Banyai.

Throughout this career, Donalds advanced and defended a movement that was largely seen by critics as white-supremacy oriented and often racist, especially in Florida, which had a history of deep segregation and racial violence.

Donalds even saw a silver lining in the segregationist Jim Crow era when he said last June at a Trump campaign event for black conservatives that “during Jim Crow the black family was together. During Jim Crow more black people were not just conservative—black people were always conservative minded—more black people voted conservatively. And then, HEW [Health, Education and Welfare], Lyndon Johnson, and then you go down that road and we are where we are.”

His consistent defense of the MAGA movement and promotion of Trump brought the scorn of his black colleagues in Congress.

“[For what it’s worth, Byron Donalds] is not a historic candidate for Speaker,” tweeted Rep. Cori Bush (D-1-Mo.) in January 2023 after Donalds made an unsuccessful bid for Speaker of the House. “He is a prop. Despite being Black, he supports a policy agenda intent on upholding and perpetuating white supremacy. His name being in the mix is not progress—it’s pathetic.”

His entire time in Congress, Donalds was snubbed by the Congressional Black Caucus, which has not added him to its ranks to this day.

As recently as Jan. 22, Donalds was defending Trump’s attacks on diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) in an interview with Chris Cuomo on the cable network News Nation.

“Look, I think at the end of the day everybody wants to be sure that people that are getting jobs are qualified to do them,” Donalds told Cuomo. “That is most important but you can’t put diversity for diversity’s sake ahead of qualifications.”

(Perhaps it is unkind to point this out but Donalds himself lacks executive and managerial experience and qualifications for a governorship, which is an executive, managerial job.)

*Rep. Byron Donalds is interviewed by Chris Cuomo on Jan. 22. (Image: News Nation)*

Ironically, if he runs for governor, the attacks on Donalds for his uncritical Trumpism and opposition to inclusion are likely to be loudest outside Florida, coming from national black politicians and civil rights activists.

Within the state, the Trump endorsement may move Florida’s MAGA faithful in Donalds’ direction and dampen any racist white supremacist objections to him. Given the state’s current political makeup, Donalds only has to win the Republican primary in August to be elected. The Trump endorsement will likely go a long way toward achieving that goal.

Nationally, Trump is no doubt hoping the endorsement will deflect longstanding charges of racism against him, especially given his wholescale attacks on DEI in the federal government and in society generally.

Whether a “prop” or shield for Trump, the role of “politically incorrect Black man” is one that Donalds is clearly only too happy to play. Whether it gets him into the governor’s mansion will be determined when the votes are counted.

The danger of disruption

Another danger of declaring a candidacy two years out is that major disruptions can intervene and nowhere is this truer than in Florida, where hurricanes and other disasters play outsized political roles.

There is nothing that tests a chief executive like a natural disaster—and while the public may not remember a good response, it never forgets a bad one. Rick Scott, for all his other failings, performed fairly well as governor in the face of Hurricane Irma in 2017. So did DeSantis in the face of hurricanes Ian, Idalia, Debby, Helene and Milton.

Donalds has never been tested in an executive role in the face of a disaster.

This is particularly ironic in that his coastal district on the Gulf of Mexico is very vulnerable to extreme weather events and suffered extreme devastation from Hurricane Ian in 2022.

Donalds’ responses to disasters has always been tepid, tardy and tentative. He has walked the ruined landscape for photo opportunities with other Florida politicians once the storm was over and joined his Florida colleagues sending letters to federal agencies calling for relief. However, he has never been aggressive in seeking aid or intervening on his constituents’ behalf. Nor has he advanced legislation to provide relief and protection from his district’s other environmental threat, harmful algal blooms.

Two hurricane seasons loom in the time until the election and if Donalds is a gubernatorial aspirant his reactions will be in the spotlight, even if he doesn’t have the executive authority to command the response. What is more, Florida will be dealing with a purged and weakened Federal Emergency Management Agency and a federal government whose budget-cutting will severely undermine the kind of relief and support it can provide, whether that means boots on the ground or dollars in the bank.

On top of that, DeSantis will still be in the governor’s seat and his wife may be running to succeed him. There is a real possibility that DeSantis will blame Donalds rather than Trump or Elon Musk for any shortcomings in emergency responses and any lack of federal resources and personnel available to aid afflicted areas—and Florida’s Republican voters will believe him.

Hurricanes aren’t the only kinds of disaster that could derail a Donalds gubernatorial run in the next two years: the state, along with the rest of the nation could face an economic crash, another epidemic, a drastic drop in the food supply due to livestock or agricultural issues, hyper-inflation, a trade cutoff, Social Security termination, an energy crisis or any other number of calamities, self-inflicted or otherwise. In Washington an enervated and eviscerated federal government may be unable to help.

Trump’s actions and policies are increasing the likelihood of all those dangers. As the face of Trumpism in Florida, Donalds may get much of the blame, no matter how much he and Trump try to deflect or distract the public.

The forgotten district

Lost amidst all this is the district that Donalds was elected to represent in Congress, Florida’s 19th.

Donalds has never shown a great deal of interest in the district; he’s made clear that it’s only a stepping stone for him to move on to grander things. He wouldn’t even be living in the district if DeSantis hadn’t gerrymandered the congressional map in 2020 to include his home address, which is east of Interstate 75.

If he largely neglected the district in the past, in the next two years Donalds is likely to give it his “complete and total” inattention.

Instead, if he runs he will be fixated on campaigning throughout the state, reaching out to voters from the Panhandle to Key West and relentlessly pursuing the prize. The local problems and needs of Cape Coral, Fort Myers, Fort Myers Beach, Estero, Bonita Springs, Naples and Marco Island will just be an annoyance, like sand flies buzzing at the beach.

Analysis: Peaking too early?

Given the range of uncertainties and possible pitfalls, it is entirely possible that the Donalds gubernatorial campaign may have just peaked, two years before it needs to climax.

It’s also worth noting that as of this writing, Donalds has not formally filed his candidacy papers or announced that he is actually running. He has until noon on April 24, 2026 to qualify for the primary.

At the Conservative Political Action Committee meeting in Maryland on Feb. 21, Donalds told attendees to “stay tuned” for his possible candidacy.

Despite his hiring of the Fabrizio firm, there exists the possibility that Donalds might not run or might seek a different office. After all, the Trump endorsement urged him to “RUN, BYRON, RUN”—meaning Donalds was undecided.

But in the MAGAverse a Trump suggestion is tantamount to the master’s command. It’s worth remembering what the son of 2022 Georgia Senate candidate Herschel Walker told the world in an X posting during that campaign:

“The Truth: Trump called my dad for months DEMANDING that he run. Everyone with a brain begged him: ‘PLEASE DON’T DO THIS. This is too dirty, you have an insane past… PLEASE DON’T DO THIS.’ We got the middle finger. He ran.”

The problem with supporting a dictator is that sometimes the dictator dictates that you do something you don’t want to do and you have no choice but to obey. If there is any reluctance on Donalds’ part—which seems unlikely—Trump has commanded him to run and as a loyal MAGA he must.

The Trump command and endorsement also means that for the next two years Donalds will also have to stay in the good graces of Trump, a notoriously fickle and mercurial master who has invariably turned on the people around him, betraying allies, supporters and sycophants alike.

That’s a tall and perhaps impossible order.

But for the past eight years Donalds has tied his fate and future to this felonious godfather. In 2024 that paid off when Trump won the presidency again. It may pay off in 2026 with the governorship.

Or then again, he may end up at the end of two years like Rudy Giuliani, who also gave his soul to Donald Trump and went from Time’s Man of the Year and “America’s Mayor” to a soulless, impoverished, hair dye-dripping, clownish caricature of himself.

It’s worth contemplating Giuliani’s fate as Trump’s servant. As Florida pundit and Trump opponent Rick Wilson has pointed out: “everything Trump touches dies.”

That truism may now apply to the United States, the state of Florida, and ultimately, depending on his life choices, Byron Donalds himself.

To read The Paradise Progressive’s previous coverage of Rep. Byron Donalds, click here.

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SCOOP! Collier County Republicans condemn Republican officials for supporting TRUMP Act over DeSantis bill—Updated

“When elephants battle, the grass gets trampled”–African proverb. (Art: AI)

Feb. 6, 2025 by David Silverberg

Updated 4:40 pm with additional material.

Updated Feb. 10 with comment from John Meo.

Four prominent local Republican elected officials were condemned in absentia on Monday, Feb. 3, by the Collier County Republican Executive Committee (CCREC) for failing to support an anti-immigration bill favored by Gov. Ron DeSantis (R).

The CCREC voted further to censure the officials if they continued to support the legislative version of the bill in question, the Tackling and Reforming Unlawful Migration Policy (TRUMP) Act (CS/SB 2-B), which passed the both the Florida House and Senate on Jan. 28 in a special session.

None of those condemned were present when the resolution passed by a voice vote.

The condemnation was directed at State Sen. Kathleen Passidomo (R-28-Naples), former president of the Florida Senate, and state Reps. Lauren Melo (R-82-eastern Collier County), Yvette Benarroch (R-81-western Collier County) and Adam Botana (R-80-Lee and northern Collier counties).

The meeting was chaired by CCREC Chair John Meo. Lawyer Douglas Lewis projected both the TRUMP Act and the DeSantis bill version on a screen before the audience. The audience was asked for a show of hands on which legislation they favored. The DeSantis legislation was overwhelmingly favored by a voice vote at the end of the presentation. Meo called the vote unanimous but the group’s parliamentarian corrected him that there were dissenting voices.

At the outset of the meeting Michael Lyster, former chair of the CCREC, argued against proceeding with the agenda item, saying that it was premature and the resolution was improper. He argued that under the CCREC’s rules it cannot censure the party’s elected Republican officials. However, he was ignored.

All the officials were in the Florida capital of Tallahassee at the time and did not participate or have the opportunity to participate in person or remotely. There were no speakers presenting the officials’ side of the story.

The resolution

The Republican Party of Florida (RPOF) officially endorsed the TRUMP Act over DeSantis’ bill, which prompted the CCREC response.

*A Republican Party of Florida flyer endorsing the TRUMP Act. Below, the CCREC’s response.*

After its establishing clauses stating the current situation as it sees it, the CCREC resolution “formally expresses its displeasure with the Florida Legislature” and “fully supports” both DeSantis’ and Trump’s efforts to deport “criminal illegal aliens.”

It calls on the named Republican legislators to work with DeSantis but if they “fail to work with Governor DeSantis and fail to vote in favor of strong legislation and appropriations, on or before the end of March 2025” on legislation “acceptable to Governor DeSantis” [emphasis theirs], then the CCREC would hold a formal vote censuring the officials.

(Thanks to multiple sources, the full resolution is available at the conclusion of this article.)

Present at the meeting were Collier County commissioners Chris Hall (R-District 2), Dan Kowal (R-District 4), and William McDaniel (R-District 5), School Board members Jerry Rutherford (District 1) and Tim Moshier (District 5). Also attending was Chris Worrell, a Proud Boys member convicted of assaulting police officers with a chemical agent during the Jan. 6, 2021 insurrection at the US Capitol, who evaded police before being apprehended and incarcerated, and who was just pardoned by Trump.

According to attendees who requested anonymity, the whole event was rushed through, with presentation of the resolutions, debate and a vote taking place in the space of a half hour.

“The CCREC taking action to censure legislators before anything has been decided is totally not within their purview,” Diane de Parys, a former member of the CCREC and president of the Republican Women of SW Florida Federated, told The Paradise Progressive. “The role of the CCREC under the Republican Party of Florida is to get out the vote and taking positions on special session bills that have not been decided is totally wrong in my opinion.”

“Heated, political discourse is to be expected in these challenging times. And there is absolutely nothing wrong with the CCREC disagreeing with how an elected official voted,” noted former Republican county commissioner Penny Taylor in a publicly distributed email. “But leadership who ignore the basic [tenets] of fairness such as giving a man or woman his or her day in court before passing judgement … that leadership is reckless and needs to be questioned.”

“Everyone knew it was going on,” Meo told The Paradise Progressive in a Saturday, Feb., 8th phone call. “Everyone got notice 24 hours beforehand and as far as the number of people complaining, there were very few; not more than two or three.”

The legislators named were able to join remotely. “They had input,” he said. “They could have Zoomed in.” He said he spoke to Melo and Benarroch the week before the meeting. He made the point that the presentation took 35 minutes and was very detailed regarding the dueling bills.

Meo said that there had not been any critical feedback since the meeting and that the majority of Republicans “have been very supportive.”

He also reiterated his support for the substance of the resolution. “We’re in a virtual war with criminal illegals where they’re taking over hotels in cities,” he said. He also hoped that DeSantis, as head of the Florida Republican Party would work out a compromise with legislative leaders but “stay strong” because one thing he cannot abide is having immigration enforcement in the office of Commissioner of Agriculture.

Comment was also requested from Passidomo, Melo, Benarroche, and Botana but no response had been received as of posting time. (This report will be updated if responses are received.)

The context

The CCREC vote comes amidst a dispute between DeSantis and the legislature over the best means of cracking down on undocumented migrants in Florida.

On Jan. 13, DeSantis called for a special session of the legislature in order to pass 10 measures against undocumented migrants, among other proposals. The governor’s bill would:

Mandate maximum participation in the 287(g) deportation program, with penalties for non-compliance, including suspension of officials;
Establish a state crime for entering the U.S. illegally and a process for self-deportation;
Appoint a dedicated officer to oversee coordination with federal authorities and the Unauthorized Alien Transport Program (UATP);
Expand UATP to detain and facilitate the deportation of illegal aliens from the U.S.;
Broaden the legal definition of gang-related activities to include more groups of dangerous illegal aliens;
Repeal in-state college tuition for illegal immigrant students;
Require voter registration affirmation of U.S. citizenship and Florida residency;
Increase penalties for unauthorized aliens committing voter fraud or providing false voter registration information;
Mandate identity verification for foreign remittance transfers; and
Create a rebuttable presumption that illegal aliens are flight risks and deny bail.

Florida state Senate President Sen. Ben Albritton (R-56-DeSoto and Hardee counties) and Speaker of the House Rep. Daniel Perez (R-116-Miami-Dade County) pushed back against DeSantis’ special session call, labeling it “premature.”

In a memorandum issued within hours of DeSantis’ call, the two stated: “It is completely irresponsible to get out ahead of any announcements President Trump will make, especially when uninformed or ill-timed state action could potentially impair or impede the success of President Trump’s forthcoming efforts to end illegal immigration, close our borders, and protect the sovereignty of our nation.”

The dispute became personal as DeSantis accused Albritton and Perez of “theatrics” and called them “RINOs” (Republicans in Name Only) and said their bill “gutted all the enforcement provisions” in his bill.

“This is really the SWAMP Act,” he scoffed and complained the bill, “takes power away from me … the power that I’m currently exercising now.”

After an initial standoff, the legislative leaders convened the governor’s special session on Jan. 28 but then immediately adjourned it, without passing any legislation. Then, the same day, they convened their own session and passed the TRUMP Act.

The major difference between the governor’s proposal and the legislature’s bill was that authority for enforcement was put in the hands of the Commissioner of Agriculture, in this case Florida Agriculture Commissioner Wilton Simpson.

In 2023, DeSantis had used his authority as governor and state funds to transfer migrants to locations such as Martha’s Vineyard, Mass., and the Vice Presidential Residence in Washington, DC, as a show of protest and to make a political point. Under the TRUMP Act he would no longer have that authority.

DeSantis was clearly furious when the legislature passed the TRUMP Act.

“They decided to do a bill that not only won’t work, that actually is weaker than what we have today,” he said during a roundtable discussion at the Brevard County’s Sheriff’s Office in Titusville. “Everything that I’ve proposed is stronger than what the Legislature has done.”

Albritton and Perez slapped back with a letter issued the same day: “The Legislature will not act in a disingenuous or dishonorable way by attacking anyone, especially our law enforcement. Unlike others, the Legislature is not interested in misleading or attacking Floridians, especially Florida law enforcement. Our number one goal is to work together with President Trump. Anyone that says anything otherwise is not reading the bill, not reading executive orders, or just not telling the truth.”

DeSantis threatened to act politically against legislators who voted for the TRUMP Act by using funding from his Florida Freedom Fund Political Action Committee to oppose them in primaries.

“The FL Freedom Fund was instrumental in raising huge sums of $ to defeat Amendments 3 and 4 in 2024,” he posted on X on Jan. 30. “For the 2026 cycle, the FFF will raise even more resources (1) to ensure support for a strong conservative gubernatorial candidate and (2) to support strong conservative candidates in legislative primaries. We need to elect strong leaders who will build off FL’s success and who will deliver on the promises made to voters.”

He stated he would veto the legislation when it came to his desk.

As of this writing, there are indications that the two sides were in discussions and might find an accommodation.

“We’ve had great discussions. I think we’re going to land the plane,” DeSantis said on Feb. 3.

Analysis: Impact

Locally, it’s unclear how much weight the CCREC condemnation or censure will have in local Republican politics or how much influence it will have with local Republican lawmakers. However, it yet again displays a streak of authoritarianism that has long been associated with the CCREC and with those local Republican activists who repeatedly use threats to intimidate officials into surrendering to their demands.

And it also bears noting the real losers in all these disputes: migrants and immigrants of all legal status whose labor provides the products, services and assistance that keeps the local, state and national economies working and prosperous.

Below, the full text of the CCREC resolution.

02-03-2025 Draft CCREC Resolution on Immigration Download

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