By a near-unanimous vote of 417 to 1, the US House of Representatives today passed the Paycheck Protection Program Flexibility Act (House Resolution 7010), which eases the terms of government emergency loans for businesses affected by the coronavirus pandemic.
The lone “nay” vote was cast by Rep. Thomas Massie (R-4-Ky.).
Despite new House rules allowing remote and proxy voting, Rep. Francis Rooney (R-19-Fla.) was absent. This makes the sixth major coronavirus-related vote that he has missed. As of this writing, Rooney had not issued a statement on his absence.
Reps. Mario Diaz-Balart (R-25-Fla.) and Greg Steube (R-17-Fla.) both voted for the measure. As of this writing, neither had issued statements explaining their votes .
The bill, which now goes to the Senate, makes a variety of changes to the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) to help businesses hurt by the pandemic.
Under the bill, businesses have more time to use loans, extending the period from eight to 24 weeks.
Businesses will now also get greater flexibility in using the loans. Until now the businesses had to use 75 percent of their loans for payroll and limit other costs to no more than 25 percent of the loan in order to be eligible for loan forgiveness. Under HR 7010 that ratio changes to 60 percent and 40 percent respectively. The new bill also allows businesses to defer payroll taxes.
The bill was a bipartisan effort, introduced by Reps. Chip Roy (R-21-Texas) and Democratic Rep. Dean Phillips (D-3-Minn.).
Progress Florida, a progressive, non-profit advocacy organization, has given all but one of Southwest Florida’s state House representatives failing grades for their votes during the 2020 legislative session. State Rep. Byron Donalds (R-80-Immokalee) received a “D” grade.
The grades were made in the organization’s People First annual report card
Of the region’s two state senators, Sen. Lizbeth Benacquisto (R-Fort Myers) received a “D” grade, while Sen. Kathleen Passidomo (R-Naples) received an “F.”
Progress Florida supports progressive values. Founded in 2008, it promotes digital organizing, media outreach, and collaboration among Florida’s progressive organizations. “We’re fighting for social justice, economic fairness, reproductive freedom, strengthening public education, health care reform, environmental protection, and much more,” it states on its website.
The People First report card grades state representatives on their votes on 21 bills in the Florida legislature over the 2020 term.
The grades for state representatives and senators in Lee and Collier counties, all Republicans, were:
Doctor without helmet: Dr. William Figlesthaler and his wife, Olga, get on their bike and ride. (Image: Figlesthaler for Congress campaign)
May 21, 2020 by David Silverberg.
Updated with two-word correction at 12:20 pm.
In his most recent television commercial, Dr. William Figlesthaler, clad in leather, mounts his motorcycle and roars off as though in a GEICO commercial, thereby somehow proving that he’s qualified to represent Southwest Florida’s 19th Congressional District in the US Congress.
Figlesthaler calls the ad, “The Race is On” and indeed it is, as the August 18 Republican primary draws nearer. But an examination of the relative fundraising prowess of the various candidates—the only public measure of their respective positions—reveals Figlesthaler in second place, according to his 1st quarter financial report to the Federal Election Commission (FEC).
Leading the Republican pack is businessman Casey Askar who had, as of March 31, a war chest of $3,482,873.79.
But if Askar is the candidate of Collier County’s business elite (see “The Curious Case of Casey Askar”), then Figlesthaler is the candidate of SWFL’s medical establishment, which makes up the core of his support.
Despite their donations, Figlesthaler’s campaign is still largely dependent on the candidate’s personal loans.
During the reporting period, Figlesthaler loaned his campaign a total of $1,060,000 in five tranches between November 2019 and the end of the reporting period on March 31 of this year.
However, with the help of professional fundraisers like Anedot, a fundraising service based in Baton Rouge, La., Figlesthaler expanded his donor base. (To see The Paradise Progressive’s previous, Feb. 6 report on Figlesthaler’s finances see: “Follow the money: Figlesthaler’s finances and what they mean.”)
He raised $279,278.80 in 167 contributions in the first quarter, according to data processed by the FEC. That plus his loan gave him a war chest of $1,011,164.77.
Of Figlesthaler’s 167 primary election donations, 31 or roughly 19 percent, came from people in medical-related fields, primarily doctors, with a heavy representation of radiation oncologists and urologists. This does not include retired physicians and medical professionals.
One donor was Paige Kreegel, a fellow doctor, former Florida state representative and in 2012 a primary candidate in the 19th Congressional District, who kicked in $2,800 to the campaign.
Most prominently, Figlesthaler won the support of Reinhold Schmieding, president of Arthrex Inc., a medical device maker and the largest employer in Collier County, who to date has contributed the legal limit of $5,000 to the campaign.
Figlesthaler is now getting aid from medically-related political action committees (PACs) as well. The American Association of Clinical Urologists PAC (UROPAC) provided $500. The organization Friends to Elect Dr. Greg Murphy to Congress provided $2,000. (Rep. Greg Murphy (R-3-NC) is a fellow urologist and sitting member of Congress from North Carolina, where Figlesthaler did his residency.)
Another organization, Defend & Uphold Our Nation Now, contributed $500 to Figlesthaler’s campaign. This PAC is led by Rep. Neal Dunn (R-2-Fla.), a surgeon, and provides a convenient, legal cover for banking industry political contributions since it is overwhelmingly funded by the American Bankers Association, also known as BankPAC, according to the FEC.
Murphy of North Carolina, who apparently mentored and supports Figlesthaler, received $2,000 from that PAC. However, one recipient of the PAC’s largess, Republican candidate, Dan Donovan, a former representative from New York, returned a $1,000 contribution to the organization.
Figlesthaler also had to make a refund of his own during the quarter, returning $400 in contributions from a Fort Myers oncologist and his wife.
Of all 14 candidates running, Figlesthaler had the highest burn rate: $319,164.03 in expenditures. In addition to Anedot, Figlesthaler paid a wide variety of consultants for compliance, strategy, communications, advertising and media placement. He also has the most advertisements running of any candidate on local television.
Young Guns blazing
On April 28 Figlesthaler sent out an exuberant announcement: “Figlesthaler Selected to Lucrative NRCC ‘Young Guns’ Program,” making no secret of the real value he saw in being named to the Republican program, which seeks to increase the Republican portion of the US House of Representatives.
One of the main advantages of being in the Young Gun program is that it puts the candidate on a stage that may lead to campaign contributions, giving him or her exposure to the entire Republican funding network.
In that regard it can indeed be “lucrative,” as Figlesthaler points out.
Regrettably, FEC reports don’t designate which contributions may have come as a result of the Young Guns program, so it remains to be seen just how “lucrative” the program will be for Figlesthaler.
Four of the 10 Republicans running in the 19th Congressional District are in the Republican Young Guns program, which is led by House Minority Leader Rep. Kevin McCarthy, (R-23-Calif.) and the National Republican Congressional Committee.
There are three levels of Young Gunness: “On the Radar,” is the lowest, with the candidates running in competitive districts who have met standards of campaign organization and show potential for advancing to the next step. Both State Rep. Byron Donalds (R-80-Immokalee) and businessman Casey Askar are “On the Radar.”
The highest level is “Young Guns.” These people have met program goals, surpassed benchmarks and are likely to win. No Southwest Florida Republican has reached this level.
In the middle are “Contenders,” who, as the program’s website puts it: “have completed stringent program metrics and are on the path to developing a mature and competitive campaign operation.” Contenders are in congressional seats that appear to lean Republican.
Here reside State Rep. Dane Eagle (R-77-Cape Coral) and Figlesthaler.
It’s ironic that these two should be Young Guns together since Figlesthaler has been sniping at Eagle for being less than gung-ho on gun ownership. Eagle has been taking fire since December for allegedly betraying gun owners by supporting post-Parkland gun reforms in the Florida legislature. Figlesthaler accused Eagle of being receptive to former presidential candidate Mike Bloomberg, who favors gun restrictions. Eagle shot back at Figlesthaler in an April 27 WINK-TV online debate, saying he thought Figlesthaler had been watching too much “fake news” on CNN.
The two will no doubt continue exchanging potshots.
At least on his motorcycle, Figlesthaler can remain a moving target.
WINK News reporter Morgan Ryner and Democratic candidates David Holden and Cindy Banyai in yesterday’s online debate. (Image: WINK-TV)
May 19, 2020 by David Silverberg.
Florida Congressional District 19 Democratic candidates Cindy Banyai and David Holden conducted an electronic debate yesterday, moderated by Morgan Rynor, WINK News TV reporter and weekend anchor.
The debate follows a Republican debate conducted by Rynor on April 27, which is available on the WINK News website. Coverage of the Republican debate on the website is more detailed and extensive than the Democratic version.
In addition to opening and closing statements, the candidates were asked six questions:
How does a Democrat make a mark in a heavily Republican district?
Banyai pointed out that she is a fighter who will oppose bullies. Holden said Democrats would present a united front and work together regardless of their differences.
What has Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) done right and what would the candidates do differently?
Holden said DeSantis had done a disappointing job after early promise and his loyalty to President Donald Trump had hurt his coronavirus response. Banyai pointed to Desantis’ loyalty to President Trump as the reason for his inadequate coronavirus and unemployment system response.
For what issues would the candidates cross party lines?
Banyai named climate change and healthcare. Holden named the environment.
If Trump is re-elected how would the candidates work with him?
Holden expressed hope this was a fantasy question and said he would try to find common ground without sacrificing core Democratic values. Banyai called herself “a constitutional fundamentalist” and said Congress had to take back power it had ceded to the presidency.
How can the District avoid another red tide/algae bloom crisis like 2018’s?
Banyai said she would hold polluters accountable and fight for water research funding. Holden called for a systematic change that emphasizes science and expertise.
How can healthcare be made more affordable?
Holden said that healthcare is a human right and the Affordable Care Act should be improved. Banyai called for a different model of healthcare and cited the Japanese system that ensures low-cost healthcare outside of employer plans.
“We absolutely need servant leadership in this region” said Banyai in her closing statement. “The people are most important here; not the powerful, not the people who want to cement over the environment, not the ones who want to line their pockets because of education reform. It’s people serving people.”
“I am appalled by the lack of concern, the lack of empathy and the lack of real thought by the Republican candidates about what is best for this district, not just in the midst of this crisis but in the face of a number of critical problems that we face as a people,” Holden said in his closing statement. After the primary, he said, “We will join together to flip this district.”
“Cindy and I are going to fight our fight, we’re going to make our case, the voters will decide in August and then we will work together as Democrats to win this seat,” he vowed.
By a vote of 208 to 199 the US House of Representatives last night approved the Health and Economic Recovery Omnibus Emergency Solutions (HEROES) Act, House Resolution 6800, a $3 trillion bill to provide relief to the economy as well as states and localities devastated by the coronavirus and its quarantines.
Rep. Francis Rooney (R-19-Fla.) was absent, marking the fifth major coronavirus-related vote he has missed. Rooney did not issue a statement explaining his absence.
Reps. Mario Diaz-Balart (R-25-Fla.) and Greg Steube (R-17-Fla.) both opposed the bill.
House Speaker Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-12-Calif.) in a lengthy floor speech said: “The Congress must honor its responsibility to the American people to lessen the blow of the coronavirus by making the same serious investment of The Heroes Act to our state, local, tribal and territorial governments.” The bill, she said, “will make a tremendous difference not only in the budgets in the states, but in the lives of the American people.”
In a statement, Diaz-Balart called the bill “an irresponsible, blatantly partisan effort that was written behind closed doors by Speaker Nancy Pelosi.” (The full text is below.) Steube denounced the bill as “Pelosi’s liberal wishlist.”
The vote did not go entirely along partisan lines. One Republican, Rep. Peter King (R-2-NY), voted for it and 14 Democrats opposed it.
The bill will now go to the Senate, where the Republican majority is likely to either extensively rewrite it or kill it altogether. President Donald Trump has threatened to veto it.
Among other things, the bill:
provides FY2020 emergency supplemental appropriations to federal agencies;
provides payments and other assistance to state, local, tribal, and territorial governments;
provides additional direct payments of up to $1,200 per individual;
expands paid sick days, family and medical leave, unemployment compensation, nutrition and food assistance programs, housing assistance, and payments to farmers;
modifies and expands the Paycheck Protection Program, which provides loans and grants to small businesses and nonprofit organizations;
establishes a fund to award grants for employers to provide pandemic premium pay for essential workers;
expands several tax credits and deductions;
provides funding and establishes requirements for COVID-19 testing and contact tracing;
eliminates cost-sharing for COVID-19 treatments;
extends and expands the moratorium on certain evictions and foreclosures; and
requires employers to develop and implement infectious disease exposure control plans.
Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart’s statement on HR 6800:
“This $3 trillion, 1,800-page legislation is an irresponsible, blatantly partisan effort that was written behind closed doors by Speaker Nancy Pelosi. It’s shameful that during this time of crisis, House Leadership is wasting invaluable time on a bill that is nothing more than a wasteful spending wish list that will never become law. While we must continue to help the American people, we cannot lose sight of excessive, reckless spending and the long-term adverse effects it will have on our children and grandchildren. House Democratic Leadership should put politics aside and work across the aisle to reach a bipartisan agreement for the American people who desperately need it.”
Republican congressional candidate Casey Askar. (Photo: Casey Askar for Congress campaign)
May 15, 2020 by David Silverberg.
Why would a man making a great deal of money with a successful business in a specialized field want to subject himself to the expense, uncertainty and scrutiny of running for the Congress of the United States?
Ask Casey Askar, because back on March 20, just as the coronavirus pandemic was breaking, he waded into the warm, swampy waters of Southwest Florida’s 19th Congressional District as a candidate for the US House of Representatives.
Askar might have been counted as just one of 10 Republican contenders elbowing each other for a shot at Rep. Francis Rooney’s seat except that he decided to put serious skin in the game. In the first quarter of 2020 he gave his own campaign a $3 million loan on top of $506,230 in campaign contributions.
Askar might not have been considered a serious contender based on his personal profile, civic involvement or policy positions but that kind of money made him the best-financed candidate in the 19th District. It means he has to be taken seriously if only for the cash alone.
A television ad for Askar is now running on local TV stations, so voters are likely hearing his name for the first time.
So, who is Casey Askar, who is supporting him, what would he mean for Southwest Florida and what are his chances of winning?
Pizza man
Officially, Askar’s is an immigrant success story. He tells it in a campaign video and on his website.
At age 7 he and his family fled their home in Iraq because of persecution of Christians. Although he doesn’t give a year for this exodus, Askar does reference Saddam Hussein.
Saddam Hussein is gone, hanged after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, but it’s worth remembering his dictatorship to put Askar in context. Saddam was a brutal, absolute tyrant. An Arab nationalist, he promoted his interests first and on his own initiative mired his country in wars with Iran, Kuwait and the world’s countries, led by the United States. He divided Iraqis, oppressing Iraqi Shiites and at one point gassing Iraqi Kurds. So crushing was his tyranny that in 1989 an Iraqi dissident authored a book that summed up his reign in its title: Republic of Fear.
After getting to the United States, the Askar family opened a store, where Askar worked. At 18 he joined the US Marine Corps and when his father fell ill, as the oldest of four children, he became head of the household (although he doesn’t say at what age this occurred). He worked in the family store and saved up enough to buy a small gym. He was able to expand the gym and open up half a dozen locations around the country.
Casey Askar in Marine uniform.
While his campaign biography does not mention his geographic roots in America, Askar’s base is Detroit, Michigan, which is home to a lively and active Middle Eastern immigrant population.
Oddly, he also doesn’t mention in his campaign biography that along the way he obtained a Master of Business Administration degree from Harvard Business School (perhaps as a veteran’s benefit?). He also never mentions his current age.
Early on, perhaps when he expanded the gym, Askar learned the magic of franchising. His fortune has been built on franchising and its associated specialty, branding. And its foundation was…pizza.
“I had a vast array of business and franchise experience from early on in my career. In 2006, I was given the opportunity to buy Detroit-based Papa Romano’s and I was instantly hooked on pizza concepts,” he told the website Franchise Chatter in 2015. “Pizza is consumed in the US on such a large sale, and we know it’s not going away any time soon – there’s tremendous staying power. Being involved in the pizza industry as a franchisor is a great opportunity because there are simple operational processes that allow you to master the system.”
After Papa Romano’s, his company, Askar Brands, purchased one new pizza “concept” every year until 2010 and expanded the ones it already had. By 2015 it had 200 pizza “units.”
It also shared its expertise with other small, regional pizza chains, helping them expand.
“Our biggest success story comes with Denver-based Blackjack Pizza, which we acquired in 2012. This was an attractive company to us because it was a successful, homegrown, regional brand,” Askar recalled in the interview. “We retained many of Blackjack’s original employees and have been able to apply our operational resources and expertise to turn Blackjack Pizza into one of the most popular pizza concepts in the western US states.”
Sam Askar (left) and Casey Askar in an undated photo.
Today Askar Brands, where Askar is president and Board chairman while his brother Sam is chief executive officer, lists seven restaurant chains in its portfolio: Papa Romano’s, Papa’s Pizza, Breadeaux Pizza, Blackjack Pizza, Mr. Pita, Stucchi’s and CJs Brewing Company. Most, though not all, are based in the upper Midwest, and Detroit, Michigan area.
In addition to brands, Askar built companies to support restaurant chains and franchisees and owned and managed commercial real estate.
In February of this year, using proceeds from fossil fuel investments he sold, Askar formed Southeast Enterprises Holdings to purchase 47 Dunkin’ Donuts (since re-named just Dunkin’) stores in the Miami, Fort Lauderdale and West Palm Beach markets in Florida. He also laid plans to expand the franchise throughout South Florida.
“As we did our research, our data really showed where Dunkin’ has been going and their trajectory continues to go up,” Askar told Laura Layden of the Naples Daily News.
Askar didn’t reveal when—or if—he moved full-time to Southwest Florida, although he has been characterized as a resident of Naples. He and his six children attend St. Ann’s Church and he is involved in a variety of schools and civic organizations, including Ave Maria University.
For all of his business success and philanthropic activities, Askar has no record of political involvement, legislative experience or even political donations of any kind.
So naturally, it made sense to run for Congress.
To fill in some of the gaps in Askar’s biography, on April 23, The Paradise Progressive submitted questions to Askar in an e-mail to his campaign.
Personal:
What is your age? (Does not appear on your website or Facebook page)
Have you ever held an elected or appointed governmental position?
Do you have any legislative experience?
Are you a full-time Floridian and do you live in the 19th Congressional District? (If you want to be more specific about your place of residence that will be welcome—I’m refraining from asking your street address).
No response has been received—and none is expected.
Business man
When Askar filed his 2020 campaign report with the Federal Election Commission (FEC) for the first quarter of the year, it was impressive and not just for the $3 million personal loan he’d made to his campaign.
Clearly, he’d been busy. He had 270 donations that netted him $506,230. Some of these donors contributed to both his primary and general election races, so there were fewer donors than donations (i.e., the same person contributed twice). Also, members of the extensive Askar clan kicked in as well. Notwithstanding these factors, it was an impressive range of donations and even more impressive than the amount was the nature of the contributors.
Geographic distribution of Askar’s donations
Unlike some of his rivals, the majority—102, or 62 percent—came from Florida, which indicated some grassroots support that could translate into votes at the polls. Unsurprisingly, given his origin and business interests, the next largest portion—28 percent—came from Michigan. Of his Florida contributions, the vast majority, 65 percent, came from Naples in Collier County. There was little representation of Lee County, where only three donors were based in Fort Myers, seven in Bonita Springs and two in Estero.
Despite his newcomer status on the political scene, Askar had been laying the groundwork for some time among his business friends, franchisees and acquaintances.
There were some local A-list business types supporting Askar’s bid. Chief among these was Rocky Patel, the restauranteur, cigar entrepreneur and owner of the high-end cigar bar “Burn,” which has an outlet in Naples’ Mercato mall (currently closed during the pandemic). Not only did Rocky himself contribute to Askar, so did the top managers of his entire organization. Another standout name was Todd Gates, owner of Gates Construction, which has done extensive work in Southwest Florida.
It’s clear that Askar is the business candidate in the District 19 race. He’s also a Republican “Young Gun,” part of a candidate recruitment program run by House Minority Leader Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-23-Calif.). It may have been this organization that recruited and urged Askar to run for Congress.
When he filed his FEC report Askar hadn’t spent much yet. He paid the state’s $10,440 filing fee to get on the ballot and he paid $12,916.21 to Winred, a national, online conservative fundraising organization also being used by other District 19 Republican candidates. There was no mention of staff salaries or consultant fees.
To clarify Askar’s candidacy, these questions were submitted to the Casey Askar campaign on April 23:
I’ve reviewed your website and personal story. What, however, do you feel specifically qualifies you to represent Southwest Florida?
Why are you a better a candidate to serve SWFL in Congress than any of the other candidates running?
No answer has been received.
Trump man
When he first announced his candidacy, Askar was a simple, two-dimensional Trumper. His main plank was that he stood with President Donald Trump. He made no mention or had any apparent interest in local issues.
Since then (and following questions from The Paradise Progressive, below), Askar and his campaign consultants have filled out some of his policy positions. He’s pro-Trump but otherwise his policy positions are standard, conventional, conservativism.
He’s also bought television air time and his ad campaign not only expresses support for Trump, he also makes a point of blaming China for the COVID-19 outbreak. In the ad, while a blot of red spreads out from China across the globe, Askar intones, “China unleashed the Wuhan pandemic on the world, costing trillions, costing jobs, costing American lives.” Then he appears on the screen and says “This crisis proves that President Trump is right” and expresses support for all of Trump’s positions. The ad is called “China must pay, America must rebuild.”
On other issues he decries government spending. “Washington’s problem is not that it taxes too little, but that it spends too much,” his website states. He’s anti-choice; pro-gun; pro-border wall; pro-lower prescription drug prices; pro-veterans; anti-China; pro-Israel; and pro-religious freedom.
His only mention of a local issue is water quality where he calls for full funding of the Comprehensive Everglades Restoration Plan and completion of its projects. Weirdly, he calls for “completion” of the Everglades Agricultural Area, which is not a project but a special area south of Lake Okeechobee established by Florida in 1948. (This reference may be the result of ignorance, carelessness, bad staff work or all of the above.)
To clarify Askar’s political positions, in its April 23 message to the Askar campaign The Paradise Progressive posed the following questions:
What do you regard as the primary interests of Southwest Florida vis-à-vis the federal government?
Do you believe that climate change is induced by human activity?
What committee assignments would you pursue in Congress?
If you were in Congress right now, what specific actions would you take to serve SWFL regarding the Coronavirus pandemic?
When the 117th Congress takes office in January 2021, the United States is likely to be in the midst of a deep economic downturn, even a depression. As the member of Congress from the 19th Congressional District, what would you specifically do at the federal level to support, sustain and improve the economy of Southwest Florida?
What specific actions would you take in Congress to advance CERP and ensure that Florida and SWFL receives its full, contracted appropriation?
What specific actions would you take in Congress to prevent oil exploitation off the Southwest Florida coast?
What specific actions would you take in Congress to advance work done to date to prevent harmful algal blooms?
If the election is held as scheduled, there is a high probability that you would serve in a Democratic House of Representatives. What specific actions would you take to work with a Democratic majority?
To date no answers have been received—and none are expected.
Congress man?
So what are Askar’s chances and what would his election to Congress mean for Southwest Florida?
The crumbling crust
The only thing that makes Askar a credible candidate in the 19th Congressional District is his cash; otherwise he would not be a factor in this election.
The fact that the coronavirus pandemic and the lockdown has stopped all forms of in-person campaigning means that campaigns are now almost completely reliant on digital or broadcast media, with the latter being more powerful. However, it is also very expensive.
In the past Askar’s lack of a public profile, endorsements, political networks, field organization, volunteers and infrastructure might have crippled his campaign. Now he has to be considered the front runner if only because he has the potential means to blanket the airwaves. That, plus the cost of consultants and paid campaign workers, is going to make this a very expensive project for him.
But as COVID-19 has given to Askar with one hand, it may have also taken away with the other. One has to wonder about the state of a business empire built on casual, seated dining, which is the kind of enterprise most impacted by the pandemic lockdowns. And this is especially true for pizza, where Askar’s dining-in restaurant chains are up against dedicated take-out “concepts” like Domino’s. What is more, the lockdowns are especially stringent in Michigan, where the majority of Askar’s businesses are based. The pandemic has also completely disrupted the restaurant supply chain and delivered a blow against the kind of commercial real estate and rental holdings in his empire. Keeping what he’s built is going to take care and attention. Of course, only his accountant knows for sure.
These factors are also going to affect his donors, some of whom are restauranteurs, reducing their future donations.
Right now his investment in South Florida Dunkin’ franchises looks like prescient move—but he may also regret making that $3 million campaign loan, which could have been used to save jobs and keep units functioning.
The bottom line is that Askar may not be as rich a candidate as he was when he closed his FEC campaign books on March 31. And he has to ask himself whether pursuing a $174,000 annual salary as a member of Congress is worth turning away from a business empire it took him a lifetime to build and which needs his management now. Then again, he’s got plenty of relatives to look after it.
Joining the sad parade
The likelihood is that Askar was recruited by Rep. McCarthy’s Republican Young Guns. One can almost hear the pitch: “You’re an attractive candidate with a biography of business success and military service. You’ll have an easy run in a safely Republican district, backed by the Republican National Congressional Committee and its donor network. You’re from the Midwest and so are most of the voters who will vote in the primary. All you have to do is win the primary, which is decided by a few old people who automatically vote Republican. You’ll be able to buy them with some TV spots. It’ll be a cakewalk: no muss, fuss or mess.”
Of course, the nine other Republican candidates running might beg to disagree.
But unconsidered in this are the interests of Southwest Florida. With Askar the region and its people would get yet another rich but untutored congressional representative, an alleged “outsider” with no knowledge of Congress, legislation, politics or government. (To read the full history of the 19th Congressional District’s representation in Congress, see the article “A tale of two swamps: Why Southwest Florida can’t keep its congressmen.”)
Askar would join a sad parade of wealthy Southwest Florida businessmen who ran as outsiders, ignorant of government and proud of their ignorance, who foundered once they arrived in the nation’s capital.
Thinking that they’d be treated like imperial CEOs, these men discovered they were really just foot soldiers and cannon fodder. When the heady buzz of election victory and the novelty of putting “Rep.” in front of their names wore off, they faced tough choices and the real pressures of governing. Their reactions were to withdraw from their congressional duties into absenteeism and retirement and not promote the region’s vital interests.
In the end, the real losers were the people of Southwest Florida.
The tragedy of Casey Askar
Despite these considerations, Askar has a relatively good chance of winning his primary—certainly as good, if not better, than his Republican competitors. But to at least get past the primary he’s got to win over the hardcore Trumpers in the District who are certain to vote in that primary regardless of plagues, hurricanes or infirmities. That means Askar has to continue to prove his total and undying loyalty to President Donald J. Trump.
And therein lays the tragedy of Casey Askar.
Casey Askar is an immigrant who thrived and succeeded in America and served her in uniform. He’s proud of his success and hard work and entrepreneurship as well he should be. Now he has a shot at reaching a new pinnacle in life by being elected a member of the United States House of Representatives.
But to do that he has to pledge his loyalty and vow to implement the program of a man dedicated to making sure that no one like Casey Askar will ever rise again. Trump is a man who despises immigrants like Casey Askar, whether they come to the United States legally or illegally, seeking a better life or just asylum.
If Donald Trump had been president when Casey Askar and his family left Iraq, they would have been shut out of America. They were coming from a largely Muslim country; they were poor; and they were fleeing a strong man, an autocrat, whom Trump would have likely admired. They would have been forced to wait for acceptance in some other country and the children might have been separated from the parents. They might have even been put in cages.
There’s no indication from any of his public sources that Askar is thinking deeply about the implications of what he’s doing and saying. There’s no sense that he’s pondering beyond just the next step in his campaign. What he does—what all candidates do—in the quest for public office has a profound effect on the future of America, whether they’re running for dog catcher or president.
Casey Askar, an Iraqi immigrant, is running to bolster the rule of a man who is profoundly anti-immigrant, instinctively anti-democratic, and deeply racist; a man who plays Americans off against each other and is driven by, to use his own words, “hatred, prejudice and rage.”
It is this man’s program that Askar is pledging to implement. If Askar wins on his current platform he will have a historic role in turning the open, tolerant America that welcomed and nurtured him into a closed, isolated society dominated by a single tyrant. He will be an accomplice in turning history’s greatest republic of reason into a third-rate republic of fear. Askar fled such a place before—it was called Iraq. Now, while celebrating his own success as an immigrant, he is running on a platform that will encourage, embolden and enable an American Saddam Hussein.
Is this what America really needs? And is this what Casey Askar really wants?
WINK News reporter and weekend anchor Morgan Rynor conducts the online Republican debate on April 27, 2020. (Screen capture: WINK News)
May 13, 2020 by David Silverberg.
WINK-TV, Ft. Myers, has scheduled a debate between the Democratic candidates running in the 19th Congressional District.
Today WINK-TV reporter and weekend anchor Morgan Rynor notified the David Holden and Cindy Banyai campaigns that she will be holding a half hour debate between them on Monday, May 18 from 11:00 am to 11:30 am.
The debate will be held on the Zoom video conferencing application.
The debate was scheduled after WINK held an online debate with Republican 19th District congressional candidates on April 27 without inviting Democrats. A portion of the Republican debate was broadcast on the nightly newscast and the full debate posted on the WINK News application.
“It’s very encouraging that WINK News has decided to host a Democratic candidate forum,” candidate Cindy Banyai told The Paradise Progressive. “I knew demonstrating solidarity across the party would amplify our voice and I’m proud to have led the effort. I’m looking forward to seeing other Southwest Florida media outlets step up to host candidate forums that include Democrats and more reporting on the parties that is balanced.”
“This is an important position even though this is a Republican area,” said Democratic candidate David Holden. “We’re going to have a vigorous discussion by all sides.”
The wizarding world of Donald Trump. (Photo illustration: New York Magazine)
May 11, 2020 by David Silverberg.
Has Donald Trump’s magic finally worn off?
We’re not talking about his delusional magic that the coronavirus would simply disappear: “One day, it’s like a miracle, it will disappear.” Nor are we talking about the magic of beating impeachment: “the real defense, the real legal strategy, was a belief in Trump’s magical properties,” as Michael Wolff put it in his book Siege.
No, we’re talking about real magic, in the real world, with real results: The magical ability to get politicians elected.
Say what you will about the man, he has been able to pick and place his candidates in key Republican primary elections.
Nowhere has this magic worked more than in Florida, where Trump’s magic elected the governor in 2018.
In late 2017 Ron DeSantis was a two-term congressman who was losing a Republican primary race for governor to Agriculture Commissioner Adam Putnam.
Putnam looked like a lock, with strong fundraising and a long lead in the polls. But then Trump reached down, breaking party norms of not picking a favorite in a primary race, and chose to endorse DeSantis. Why? Perhaps it was DeSantis’ toddler appearing in a TV commercial building a border wall with toy blocks. Or maybe it was DeSantis’ slavish and extravagant Trumpism. Or, most likely, it was DeSantis’ charges that Putnum was insufficiently Trumpy.
Whatever it was, it worked. DeSantis went on to defeat Putnam in the primary and squeak into the governor’s seat.
Trump has intervened in other intra-party contests too: in Pennsylvania, West Virginia, Indiana—even reaching way down the chain of command to oust the Ohio Republican Party chairman for opposing him.
Trump’s candidates won. His interventions and the blind loyalty of his most faithful followers made him the complete ruler of the Party.
Republican politicians know this. They’ve seen the magic. If they’re in a primary race, Trump can call it with a tweet.
But COVID-19 has been as resistant to Trump’s magic as it has been to hydroxychloroquine.
A historic precedent
There’s an example of a natural disaster bringing down a president who had ridden out other crises.
In 2005, Hurricane Katrina barreled across Florida, the Gulf and slammed into the Mississippi coast, Louisiana and—most tellingly—New Orleans.
The city was devastated. The response was chaotic, ineffective and a disaster in itself. Federal agencies, the state government and the city’s leadership failed completely. Americans saw desperate, struggling people, abandoned without food or water and a hapless administration that couldn’t help them.
They also saw a president looking down from Air Force One, seemingly oblivious and above it all, apparently uncaring and ineffective.
For President George W. Bush, despite the many efforts he really did make in the wake of Hurricane Katrina, the political tide turned against him.
“In a national catastrophe, the easiest person to blame is the president,” Bush later reflected in his book, Decision Points. “Katrina presented a political opportunity that some critics exploited for years. The aftermath of Katrina—combined with the collapse of Social Security reform and the drumbeat of violence in Iraq—made the fall of 2005 a damaging period in my presidency. Just a year earlier I had won reelection with more votes than any candidate in history. By the end of 2005, my political capital was gone. With my approval ratings plummeting, many Democrats—and some Republicans—concluded they would be better off opposing me than working together.”
That is the key. Politicians have to make a calculation: Is it more personally advantageous to work with the party’s leader, or against him?
By any objective measure, Donald Trump’s response to the Coronavirus pandemic has been truly disastrous. From ignoring and dismissing it when he could have prepared for it, to minimizing it as its toll mounted, to defying science and suggesting that ingesting bleach might defeat it, his actions are on a par with the Emperor Nero, not to mention George W. Bush. And he has presided over the greatest economic collapse since the Great Depression and an appalling and dizzying rise in unemployment.
It would take a powerful spell to get Americans to overlook their misery, fear and confusion and buy the Trump line. But Trump is betting that with enough money, relentless advertising and casting lots of blame it might just work and get him re-elected.
But will it continue to get his candidates elected?
All are Trumpers desperately trying to show their true Trumpiness. One reason for this is that they are trying to appeal to the hard core Trumpers who will likely determine the outcome of the Republican primary on August 18.
But there is another factor: If Trump so decides, he could reach down and finish the primary race with a tweet endorsing a candidate, like he did for Ron DeSantis. That would certainly settle it for the Republican primary constituency and likely for the primary.
Right now it’s not clear that Trump has Southwest Florida on his mind or that he is inclined to intervene. He might decide to ignore all the traditional politicians and go with a dark horse—or not. He might ignore the rich amateurs and pick an unknown, leaving Casey Askar to light a cigar with his $3 million personal campaign loan or William Figlesthaler with a bunch of urinal screens and no place to put them.
If there’s any candidate who might seem likely to get a Trump endorsement it’s State Rep. Dane Eagle (R-77-Cape Coral). He was the first candidate in the race, he has a legislative record, he’s an ardent Trumper, he’s a known quantity, he’s a Republican Party “contender” and he even has a photograph with himself and Trump to prove that he’s at least met the man.
State Rep. Dane Eagle, an unidentified man and Donald Trump in an undated photo from the Dane Eagle congressional campaign.
But whether this counts for anything with Trump is unknown and at this point unknowable. Trump hasn’t endorsed him. The problem with worshiping a thin-skinned, impulsive and mercurial god is that he may strike without provocation or warning or turn his favor on a whim. Certainly with Trump past performance is absolutely no predictor of future behavior.
Still, it’s safe to say that the Trump magic will probably work if he chooses to use it in Southwest Florida—at least with Republicans.
Beyond them, though, maybe not so much.
Faltering magic and the race to watch
The fact is that the Trump magic may work in Republican primaries but once he gets into the real world, he’s not so magical.
Despite endorsing candidates in Alabama’s 2017 Senate race and Kentucky’s 2019 governor’s race, Trump’s candidates lost. Republicans lost both Virginia’s House and Senate last year. Trump lost again in Wisconsin on April 7 when a conservative judge he backed, Dan Kelly, was beaten by liberal Judge Jill Karofsky. And, of course, Trump’s biggest electoral defeat came in 2018 when he lost the House of Representatives to Democrats despite his determined efforts.
The Trump magic will be tested again tomorrow, Tuesday, May 12, when Californians in the 25th Congressional District north of Los Angeles vote in a special election.
The district went for Trump in 2016, then flipped in 2018 and is judged “even” by the Cook Political Report, the bible of congressional political junkies.
The previous representative, Democrat Katie Hill, resigned in a sex scandal. Running to replace her is Democrat Christy Smith and Republican Mike Garcia.
Trump decided to jump into this one with both feet, emphatically endorsing Garcia, and charging that the election is “rigged” because the state installed an in-person voting site when most of the voting was supposed to be by mail–which he has also denounced as “rigged.”
Of course, regardless of the outcome, Republicans and Democrats will do what they always do: the winners will generalize the victory (it shows broad trends and is a death knell for the opposition) and the losers will narrow the defeat (it was due to peculiar factors in the district and the candidate).
Still, it may be an indication whether the Trump magic still has its powers and whether a pandemic, an economic crash, a devastated labor force and sheer, demonstrated incompetence has taken the enchantment from this inept and overwhelmed sorcerer’s apprentice.
Sara McFadden at the Naples women’s march, Jan. 18, 2020. (Photo: Author)
May 7, 2020 by David Silverberg
Updated May 8, 2020 with additional petition number.
Sara Doyle McFadden, Democratic candidate for Florida State House District 106, announced today that she had collected sufficient petition signatures to qualify for a place on the general election ballot in November.
The state requires signatures equaling 1 percent of a district’s population to qualify. That comes to 1,131 signatures in the 106th District, allowing McFadden to avoid a $1,781.82 filing fee. McFadden submitted 1,156 signatures.
“We clearly benefited from our network of enthusiastic and hardworking volunteers when, due to the current social limitations, the law changed the end of March to allow electronic images,” said McFadden in a statement.
Once certified by the Florida Division of Elections, McFadden will appear on the November general election ballot in opposition to incumbent Republican Bob Rommel.
McFadden’s collection of petitions was hampered by the Coronavirus pandemic but a change in Florida election rules allowed digital signatures to be submitted.
“This was a tremendous task due to the restrictions placed on all of us by the pandemic,” said Dave Carpenter, qualifying officer for the Collier County Supervisor of Elections, who accepted McFadden’s petitions.
The District and candidates
The 106th Florida House District
The 106th District runs from the Collier County line in the north all the way through Naples and Marco Island to Chokaloskee in the south. On the east it’s mostly bordered by Livingston Rd., in its northern portion and Route 41 in its southern portion. It’s the most heavily populated strip of Collier County.
The area has a total population of 155,388, according to an official Florida House profile based on the 2010 census. Of that population, 91.3 percent is white, with Hispanics making up the largest ethnic population at 10.1 percent. People aged from 65 to 69 years old make up the largest age group at 10.4 percent of the total population. Women outnumber men, 52 percent to 48 percent.
McFadden, originally from New Jersey, has a bachelor degree in English literature from Georgian Court University in Lakewood, NJ. Before moving to Florida, she served as Mid-Atlantic Regional Administrative Manager for the American International Group and also worked for the New Jersey Disability Insurance Service. She has been very active in local civic and community groups and organizations.
Rommel was first elected to the Florida House in 2016 for a two-year term. Also originally from New Jersey, he owned a mortgage company, which he sold before moving to Southwest Florida, and then ran three restaurants, two in Lee County and the other in New Jersey. He ran for the Florida House in 2016 after Kathleen Passidomo went to the Florida Senate.
McFadden challenged Rommel in 2018 and was defeated by 66.5 percent to 33.5 percent.
The platforms
Aside from their New Jersey origins, McFadden and Rommel have virtually nothing in common—especially politically.
McFadden’s positions mark her as a moderate Democrat who promotes “focused leadership and practical solutions.”
She believes healthcare is a basic human right and supports Medicaid expansion.
“Our state’s healthcare priorities are a national embarrassment—opioid addiction is killing our citizens and making orphans of our children—we are 50th in providing mental health care, our jails are our largest mental health facilities,” McFadden states on her website. “We need to increase funding for mental health in Florida, which remains at the bottom of all 50 states, despite the pittance awarded in 2018 in the last session of the state legislature.”
On the environment, she calls for Everglades restoration, a clean environment and water, and opposes fracking and pollution.
Rommel follows the general conservative ideological line, pledging on his website to “fight the bureaucrats who stifle businesses from creating jobs.” He advocates cutting taxes, and when it comes to education, ensuring that students master “the basics” and maintain “classroom discipline.” He is also chair of the Florida Conservative Committee political action committee (PAC), which he created and which gives him control of campaign funds for other candidates.
In an April 11 op-ed that appeared in the Naples Daily News and News-Press, Rommel advocated opening up Florida’s economy despite the continuing—and then-mounting—Coronavirus pandemic, arguing that “socialism and socialist policies are causing lesser healthcare systems to fail.”
During the petition drive McFadden was concerned for the health and safety of her volunteers, saying “…they were all so willing and passionate to help, I was constantly asking if they were using safe practices, and they were very patient with me. I’m very grateful to all of them. Qualifying by petition is as American as you can get—your neighbors are vouching for you!”
WINK-News TV, Fort Myers, Fla., is scheduling an online debate between Democratic congressional candidates in Southwest Florida.
Morgan Rynor
The time and date is awaiting confirmation but it will be moderated by reporter Morgan Rynor.
The scheduled debate follows issuance of a letter yesterday by Southwest Florida’s Democratic congressional candidates and party chairs calling for fair and equal treatment of all candidates in the 19th Congressional District.
Cindy Banyai and David Holden and the Lee and Collier County Democratic parties issued the call in an open letter, stating: “We urge the local media to host a Democratic primary candidate forum. Some local news outlets have already hosted a Republican primary debate, giving the candidates ample time to express their views and platforms.”
It continued: “We strongly believe that the constituents in our district deserve to hear from all candidates equally, regardless of political affiliations.” (The entire letter is included below.)
The letter charged that local news outlets have carried only Republican candidates and that the lack of interest in the Democratic candidates “appears to be a direct attempt to maintain the status quo.”
On April 27, WINK-TV hosted an online debate for only the Republican candidates. Democrats were not invited. Following questions from The Paradise Progressive, WINK scheduled the Monday debate.
To date the only forum involving all candidates of both parties was one online hosted by the Florida Citizens Alliance, a non-profit conservative organization advocating for a return to basic education. The entire 1 hour, 20 minute discussion can be viewed on YouTube.
The Paradise Progressive hosted two text-only debates between the Democratic candidates on Coronavirus and the Southwest Florida economy on April 13 and April 17.
During the 2018 congressional campaign the Southwest Florida League of Women Voters issued a debate invitation to Democratic candidate David Holden and incumbent Republican Rep. Francis Rooney, setting a date of Sept. 17. However, Rooney replied that he had no availability on that date or any in the future and that all his positions were known. Despite a letter from Holden directly to Rooney and complaints to local media, no debate ever took place.
The full text of the Democratic candidates’ letter:
To Whom It May Concern:
We are writing this letter on behalf of the Lee and Collier County Democratic Parties, and Congressional candidates for Florida Congressional District 19 Cindy Banyai and David Holden. We urge the local media to host a Democratic primary candidate forum. Some local news outlets have already hosted a Republican primary debate, giving the candidates ample time to express their views and platforms.
Despite several requests from the candidates and the county parties, no local news outlets have attempted to put together a Democratic primary candidate forum. Florida’s 19th district is a Republican-leaning district and the lack of interest in the Democratic primaries appears to be a direct attempt to maintain the status quo.
We strongly believe that the constituents in our district deserve to hear from all candidates equally, regardless of political affiliations. Especially now during this national pandemic, constituents are relying on media to cover politics. Unlike normal years when candidates have the opportunities to be out in the district campaigning, meeting voters face-to-face, our candidates have had to take to unconventional methods of campaigning.
Many constituents rely on their local news sources to stay up to date with their political candidates and provide an unbiased view. The fact that Republican candidates have been able to reach these viewers and the Democratic candidates have not been afforded the same opportunities by local news stations is shameful.
We are hoping that this letter spurs the news outlets to do the right thing and reach out to the Lee and Collier County Democratic Parties, Cindy Banyai, and David Holden about scheduling the democratic primary candidate forums.
Sincerely,
Dr. Cindy Banyai
David Holden
Annisa Karim, Chair of Democratic Party of Collier County
Gabriele Spuckers, Chair of Democratic Party of Lee County
Doctor without helmet: Dr. William Figlesthaler and his wife, Olga, get on their bike and ride. (Image: Figlesthaler for Congress campaign)
WINK News reporter Morgan Ryner and Democratic candidates David Holden and Cindy Banyai in yesterday’s online debate. (Image: WINK-TV)
WINK News reporter and weekend anchor Morgan Rynor conducts the online Republican debate on April 27, 2020. (Screen capture: WINK News)
Sara McFadden at the Naples women’s march, Jan. 18, 2020. (Photo: Author)
The Paradise Progressive 